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‘How many were not filmed?’: Calls to end police brutality renewed after cop killed mother and son in Tarlac

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By Catalina Ricci S. Madarang – December 21, 2020, Philstar.com/Interaksyon

Calls to end police brutality dominated conversations online on Monday after a cop was caught in a viral video killing an unarmed mother and son in Paniqui, Tarlac.

Police officer later identified as Senior Master Sergeant  Jonel Nuezca on Sunday shot 52-year-old Sonya Gregorio and her son, Frank Anthony Gregorio, 25, over an altercation regarding the latter’s use of “boga,” an improvised noisemaker used during the holidays in the Philippines.

Nuezca, who was reportedly assigned to the Parañaque City Crime laboratory, surrendered at the Rosales Pangasinan Municipal Police Station an hour after the incident.

He also turned over his PNP-issued 9mm semi-auto pistol that was used in the crime.

In an interview with GMA News’ “Unang Balita,” Police Lieutenant Colonel Noriel Rombaoa, chief of the Paniqui Police, said that the suspect went to the victims’ houses to confront them.

“Pumunta yung police sa bahay ng biktima at nagkaroon ng pagtatalo, naungkat ang matagal na nilang alitan sa right-of-way,” he said.

Nuezca refused to say anything except he regrets shooting the two victims, Rombaoa added. He also stated that the former will face a double murder complaint from the local police.

Data from Police Regional Office III chief Police Brigadier General Val de Leon showed that Nuezca had faced grave misconduct or homicide cases in May and December last year. However, these cases were dismissed due to lack of substantial evidence.

Nuezca had faced grave misconduct (homicide) cases in May and December 2019. Both, however, were dismissed due to lack of substantial evidence.

Stop the killings

Several hashtags and the phrase “My father is a policeman”
dominated the top five spots on Twitter Philippines’ trending list on Monday as concerned Filipinos and human rights advocates called to end police brutality in the Philippines.

The phrase was uttered by the daughter of Nuezca during the altercation between the victims and her policeman father, seconds before the Gregorios were shot dead.

Nuezca’s daughter also received backlash online for this remark. Twitter user @lakwatsarah, said that the daughter might have been raised to believe that her father is above the law.

“She was probably raised to believe he can shoot anyone who messes with them. He shot them. He made that choice. The daughter is a victim of his parenting,” she said.

Aside from this phrase, the hashtags in the local Twitter’s top trending list as of writing are:

  1. #StopTheKillingsPH with over 670,000 tweets
  2. #JusticeforSonyaGregoria with over 360,000 tweets
  3. #EndPoliceBrutality with over 286,000 tweets
  4. #Pulisangterorista with over 191,000 tweets

The calls for justice for Sonya and Frank Gregorio were also launched on Facebook.

Progressive groups such as the League of Filipino Students and Gabriela Youth issued separate statements that denounced Nuezca’s brutal act and other cases of abuse and killings in the Philippines.

‘How many were not filmed?’

Meanwhile, Interior Secretary Eduardo Año said that the shooting incident in Paniqui is an “isolated incident.” He also said that “the sin of Nuezca is not the sin of the entire Philippine National Police.”

“This is an unfortunate but isolated incident. While there are unfortunate incidents like this, the vast majority of our PNP personnel perform their sworn duties everyday with honor and integrity to protect and serve the people,” Año said.

Writers Emiliana Kampilan or “Dead Balagtas” and Alfonso Manalastas, however, noted the possible deaths at the hands of the police and the military that were not caught on camera.

Bar 2019 topnotcher Kenneth Manuel echoed the similar view and questioned if there were more underreported victims.

“Minsan mapapaisip ka na lang, ilan na kaya nakitil nito pero hindi lang naibalita? Mas mapapaisip ka, ilan kaya sa kanila ang kayang pumatay ng ganito?” Manuel wrote.

Several concerned Filipinos also questioned this possibility, while citing that drug suspects were killed before because they allegedly fought back or “nanlaban” but there were no videos to prove them.

Detained Sen. Leila De Lima in 2018 called out the government and former presidential spokesperson Salvador Panelo for using the “nanlaban” narrative.

“I cannot allow Panelo to continue to poison the public’s mind with the Duterte administration’s oft-repeated but flawed proposition that the increasing number of deaths due to the crackdown on drugs was because suspected drug offenders have all resisted police arrest with violence,” she said in December 2018.

Meanwhile, others lamented the Christmas bonuses police officers received despite the reported brutality.

“Tapos mas mataas ang bonus ng mga pulis kaysa health workers?” he said.

Not the first time

Data from World Population Review showed that in 2020, the Philippines ranked third among the countries with the highest cases of police killings wherein 3,451 people were killed or a rate of 322 victims per 10 million people.

In a September report from US-based Human Rights Watch, citing government data, the PNP killed 50% more people between April and July of this year despite the ongoing novel coronavirus pandemic.

HRW noted that this figure is only for deaths in police anti-drug operations.

Last June, the rising cases of police abuse in the Philippines which happened before and during the pandemic were juxtaposed to the killings perpetrated by the police in the United States.

The death of George Floyd, a 46-year-old black American who was killed by a police officer in Minneapolis triggered a nationwide campaign for equal rights for all people of color.

RELATED: ‘I can’t breathe!,’ ‘Tama na po’: Police brutality in US, Philippines juxtaposed

Duterte’s ‘shoot-to-kill’ remarks

Some Filipinos blamed such rogue activities among PNP members on President Rodrigo Duterte’s continuous “shoot-to-kill” remarks since he took office in 2016.

In a televised address aired last December 16, Duterte denied ordering the police to “shoot to kill” civilians.

“May mga pulis na talagang may ano sa — diretso salvage ganoon. Wala akong inutos na ganoon. Remember, in all of my utterances, ang galit ko ‘yan when I say, ‘Do not destroy my country, the Republic of the Philippines, who elected me as President. Do not destroy our sons and daughters because I will kill you.’ Sabi ko — hindi ko sinabi, ‘They impede, they will kill you.’ The military will… I said, ‘I will kill you,’” the said.

“Pero sabi ko, ito, ‘Go out and destroy the apparatus.’ Iyan. Pagka nagkabarilan diyan in destroying the apparatus, goodbye ka. Kaya sabi ko, ‘Ako, I take full responsibility for my order.’ ‘But remember,’ I said, ‘enforce the law in accordance with what you have learned then self-defense.’ Defense of ano ‘yan. Stranger kung kasama mo. In law it’s called a stranger, maski kilala mo. Defense of relative,” he also said.

‘Walk the talk’

Amid the outrage on Nuezca’s brutal act both Paniqui Police chief Rombaoa and PNP chief Police General Major Debold Sinas reminded their colleagues to observe “maximum tolerance.”

“Sa mga kasamahan po natin sa pulisya, dapat self-control kasi nga maximum tolerance tayo, tayo ang may armas. Kung merong umaagrabiyado sa atin merong right forum po riyan, pwede nating kasuhan, not to the point na gagamitin natin ang baril natin,” Rombaoa was quoted as saying.“Lagi nating tandaan ang ating sinumpaang tungkulin bilang tagapagpatupad ng batas. We should walk the talk in the PNP,” Sinas said. #

‘Aswang’ Documentary Review: Do Not Dare Look Away

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July 20, 2020/

By L.S. Mendizabal

Kodao Productions

Pumarito ka. Bahala ka, kukunin ka ng aswang diyan! (Come here, or else the aswang will get you!)” is a threat often directed at Filipino children by their mothers. In fact, you can’t be Filipino without having heard it at least once in your life. For as early as in childhood, we are taught to fear creatures we’ve only seen in nightmares triggered by bedtime stories told by our Lolas.

In Philippine folklore, an “aswang” is a shape-shifting monster that roams in the night to prey on people or animals for survival. They may take a human form during the day. The concept of “monster” was first introduced to us in the 16th century by the Spanish to demonize animist shamans, known as “babaylan” and “asog,” in order to persuade Filipino natives to abandon their “anitos” (nature, ancestor spirits) and convert to Roman Catholicism—a colonizing tactic that proved to be effective from Luzon to Northern Mindanao.

In the early 1950s, seeing that Filipinos continued to be superstitious, the Central Intelligence Agency weaponized folklore against the Hukbong Bayan Laban sa Hapon (Hukbalahap), an army of mostly local peasants who opposed US intervention in the country following our victory over the Japanese in World War II. The CIA trained the Philippine Army to butcher and puncture holes in the dead bodies of kidnapped Huk fighters to make them look like they were bitten and killed by an aswang. They would then pile these carcasses on the roadside where the townspeople could see them, spreading fear and terror in the countryside. Soon enough, people stopped sympathizing with and giving support to the Huks, frightened that the aswang might get them, too.

Fast forward to a post-Duterte Philippines wherein the sight of splayed corpses has become as common as of the huddled living bodies of beggars in the streets. Under the harsh, flickering streetlights, it’s difficult to tell the dead and the living apart. This is one of many disturbing images you may encounter in Alyx Ayn Arumpac’s Aswang. The documentary, which premiered online and streamed for free for a limited period last weekend, chronicles the first two years of President Rodrigo Duterte’s campaign on illegal drugs. “Oplan Tokhang” authorized the Philippine National Police to conduct a door-to-door manhunt of drug dealers and/or users. According to human rights groups, Tokhang has killed an estimated 30,000 Filipinos, most of whom were suspected small-time drug offenders without any actual charges filed against them. A pattern emerged of eerily identical police reports across cases: They were killed in a “neutralization” because they fought back (“nanlaban”) with a gun, which was the same rusty .38 caliber pistol repeatedly found along with packets of methamphetamine (“shabu”) near the bloodied corpses. When children and innocent people died during operations, PNP would call them “collateral damage.” Encouraged by Duterte himself, there were also vigilante killings too many to count. Some were gunned down by unidentified riding-in-tandem suspects, while some ended up as dead bodies wrapped in duct tape, maimed or accessorized with a piece of cardboard bearing the words, “Pusher ako, huwag tularan” (I’m a drug pusher, do not emulate). Almost all the dead casualties shared one thing in common: they were poor. Virtually no large-scale drug lord suffered the same fate they did.

And for a while, it was somehow tempting to call it “fate.” Filipinos were being desensitized to the sheer number of drug-related extrajudicial killings (a thousand a month, according to the film). “Nanlaban” jokes and memes circulated on Facebook and news of slain Tokhang victims were no longer news as their names and faces were reduced to figures in a death toll that saw no end.

As much as Aswang captures the real horrors and gore of the drug war, so has it shown effectively the abnormal “sense of normal” in the slums of Manila as residents deal with Tokhang on the daily. Fearing for their lives has become part of their routine along with making sure they have something to eat or slippers on their feet. This biting everyday reality is highlighted by Arumpac’s storytelling unlike that of any documentary I’ve ever seen. Outlined by poetic narration with an ominous tone that sounds like a legitimately hair-raising ghost story, Aswang transports the audience, whether they like it or not, from previously seeing Tokhang exclusively on the news to the actual scenes of the crime and funerals through the eyes of four main individuals: a nightcrawler photojournalist and dear family friend, Ciriaco Santiago III (“Brother Jun” to many), a funeral parlor operator, a street kid and an unnamed woman.

Along with other nightcrawlers, Bro. Jun waits for calls or texts alerting them of Tokhang killings all over Manila’s nooks and crannies. What sets him apart from the others, perhaps motivated by his mission as Redemptorist Brother, is that he speaks to the families of the murdered victims to not only obtain information but to comfort them. In fact, Bro. Jun rarely speaks throughout the film. Most of the time, he’s just listening, his brows furrowed with visible concern and empathy. It’s as if the bereaved are confessing to him not their own transgressions but those committed against them by the state. One particular scene that really struck me is when he consoles a middle-aged man whose brother was just killed not far from his house. “Kay Duterte ako pero mali ang ginawa nila sa kapatid ko” (I am for Duterte but what they did to my brother was wrong), he says to Bro. Jun in between sobs. Meanwhile, a mother tells the story of how her teenage son went out with friends and never came home. His corpse later surfaced in a mortuary. “Just because Duterte gave [cops] the right to kill, some of them take advantage because they know there won’t be consequences,” she angrily says in Filipino before wailing in pain while showing Bro. Jun photos of her son smiling in selfies and then laying pale and lifeless at the morgue.

The Eusebio Funeral Services is a setting in the film that becomes as familiar as the blood-soaked alleys of the city. Its operator is an old man who gives the impression of being seasoned in his profession. And yet, nothing has prepared him for the burden of accommodating at least five cadavers every night when he was used to only one to two a week. When asked where all the unclaimed bodies go, he casually answers, “mass burial.” We later find out at the local cemetery that “mass burial” is the stacking of corpses in tiny niches they designated for the nameless and kinless. Children pause in their games as they look on at this crude interment, after which a man seals the niche with hollow blocks and wet cement, ready to be smashed open again for the next occupant/s. At night, the same cemetery transforms into a shelter for the homeless whose blanketed bodies resemble those covered in cloth at Eusebio Funeral Services.

Tama na po, may exam pa ako bukas” (Please stop, I still have an exam tomorrow). 17-year-old high school student, Kian Delo Santos, pleaded for his life with these words before police shot him dead in a dark alley near his home. The documentary takes us to this very alley without the foreknowledge that the corpse we see on the screen is in fact Kian’s. At his wake, we meet Jomari, a little boy who looks not older than seven but talks like a grown man. He fondly recalls Kian as a kind friend, short of saying that there was no way he could’ve been involved in drugs. Jomari should know, his parents are both in jail for using and peddling drugs. At a very young age, he knows that the cops are the enemy and that he must run at the first sign of them. Coupled with this wisdom and prematurely heightened sense of self-preservation is Jomari’s innocence, glimpses of which we see when he’s thrilled to try on new clothes and when he plays with his friends. Children in the slums are innocent but not naïve. They play with wild abandon but their exchanges are riddled with expletives, drugs and violence. They even reenact a Tokhang scene where the cops beat up and shoot a victim.

Towards the end of the film, a woman whose face is hidden and identity kept private gives a brief interview where, like the children drawing monsters only they could see in horror movies, she sketches a prison cell she was held in behind a bookshelf. Her interview alternates with shots of the actual secret jail that was uncovered by the press in a police station in Tondo in 2017. “Naghuhugas lang po ako ng pinggan n’ung kinuha nila ‘ko!” (I was just washing the dishes when they took me!), screams one woman the very second the bookshelf is slid open like a door. Camera lights reveal the hidden cell to be no wider than a corridor with no window, light or ventilation. More than ten people are inside. They later tell the media that they were abducted and have been detained for a week without cases filed against them, let alone a police blotter. They slept in their own shit and urine, were tortured and electrocuted by the cops, and told that they’d only be released if they paid the PNP money ranging from 10 000 to 100 000 pesos. Instead of being freed that day, their papers are processed for their transfer to different jails.

Aswang is almost surreal in its depiction of social realities. It is spellbinding yet deeply disturbing in both content and form. Its extremely violent visuals and hopelessly bleak scenes are eclipsed by its more delicate moments: Bro. Jun praying quietly by his lonesome after a night of pursuing trails of blood, Jomari clapping his hands in joyful glee as he becomes the owner of a new pair of slippers, an old woman playing with her pet dog in an urban poor community, a huge rally where protesters demand justice for all the victims of EJKs and human rights violations, meaning that they were not forgotten. It’s also interesting to note that while the film covers events in a span of two years, the recounting of these incidents is not chronological as seen in Bro. Jun’s changing haircuts and in Jomari’s unchanging outfit from when he gets new slippers to when he’s found after months of going missing. Without naming people, places and even dates, with Arumpacletting the poor do most of the heavy lifting bysimply telling their stories on state terrorism and impunity in their own language, Aswang succeeds in demonstrating how Duterte’s war on drugs is, in reality, a genocide of the poor, elevating the film beyond numb reportage meant to merely inform the public to being a testament to the people’s struggle. The scattered sequence, riveting images, sinister music and writing that borrows elements from folklore and the horror genre make Aswang feel more like a dream than a documentary—a nightmare, to be precise. And then, a rude awakening. The film compels us to replay and review Oplan Tokhang by bringing the audience to a place of such intimate and troubling closeness with the dead and the living they had left behind.

Its unfiltered rawness makes Aswang a challenging yet crucial watch. Blogger and company CEO, Cecile Zamora, wrote on her Instagram stories that she only checked Aswang out since it was trending but that she gave up 23 minutes in because it depressed her, declaring the documentary “not worth her mental health” and discouraging her 52,000 followers from watching it, too. Naturally, her tone-deaf statements went viral on Twitter and in response to the backlash, she posted a photo of a Tokhang victim’s family with a caption that said she bought them a meal and gave them money as if this should exempt her from criticism and earn her an ally cookie, instead.

 Aswang is definitely not a film about privileged Filipinos like Zamora—who owns designer handbags and lives in a luxurious Ed Calma home—but this doesn’t make the documentary any less relevant or necessary for them to watch. Zamora missed the point entirely: Aswang is supposed to make her and the rest of us feel upset! It nails the purpose of art in comforting the disturbed and disturbing the comfortable. It establishes that the only aswang that exists is not a precolonial shaman or a shape-shifting monster, but fear itself—the fear that dwells within us that is currently aggravated and used by a fascist state to force us into quiet submission and apathy towards the most marginalized sectors of society.

Before the credits roll, the film verbalizes its call to action in the midst of the ongoing slaughter of the poor and psychological warfare by the Duterte regime:

“Kapag sinabi nilang may aswang, ang gusto talaga nilang sabihin ay, ‘Matakot ka.’ Itong lungsod na napiling tambakan ng katawan ay lalamunin ka, tulad ng kung paano nilalamon ng takot ang tatag. Pero meron pa ring hindi natatakot at nagagawang harapin ang halimaw. Dito nagsisimula.” (When they say there’s a monster, what they really want to say is “be afraid.” This city, chosen to be the dumpsite of the dead, will devour you as fear devours courage. But there are still those who are not afraid and are able to look the monster in the eye. This is where it begins).

During these times, when an unjust congressional vote recently shut down arguably the country’s largest multimedia network in an effort to stifle press freedom and when the Anti-Terrorism Law is now in effect, Aswang should be made more accessible to the masses because it truly is a must-see for every Filipino, and by “must-see,” I mean, “Don’t you dare look away.” #

= = = = = =

References:

Buan, L. (2020). “UN Report: Documents suggest PH Police Planted Guns in Drug War Ops”. Rappler. Retrieved from https://rappler.com/nation/united-nations-report-documents-suggest-philippine-police-planted-guns-drug-war-operations

Ichimura, A., & Severino, A. (2019). “How the CIA Used the Aswang to Win a War in the Philippines”. Esquire. Retrieved from https://www.esquiremag.ph/long-reads/features/cia-aswang-war-a00304-a2416-20191019-lfrm

Lim, B. C. (2015). “Queer Aswang Transmedia: Folklore as Camp”. Kritika Kultura, 24. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3mj1k076

Tan, L. (2017). “Duterte Encourages Vigilante Killings, Tolerates Police Modus – Human Rights Watch”. CNN Philippines. Retrieved from https://cnnphilippines.com/news/2017/03/02/Duterte-PNP-war-on-drugs-Human-Rights-Watch.html

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MIGRANTE International: Clemency for Mary Jane Veloso!

Following the inauguration of Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto on October 20, Migrante International calls on Prabowo to grant clemency and freedom for Mary Jane Veloso at the soonest time possible. We appeal to the new president of Indonesia to protect victims of human trafficking and end the fourteen years of Mary Jane’s suffering on death row and prison.

Mary Jane Veloso comes from a family of poor farmers and is a mother of two. Desperate to provide for her family in a country lacking stable jobs, Veloso accepted an offer to work as a domestic helper in Malaysia but was instead deceived and swindled by illegal recruiters into carrying luggage containing drugs into Indonesia in 2010. Mary Jane was arrested, put on trial in a language that she did not know, and sentenced to death. The global campaign to save her life and widespread protests and clamor in 2015 resulted in the arrest of her traffickers and her scheduled execution was stayed.

Mary Jane is still on death row to this day, her road to freedom fraught with delays in her legal case in the Philippines. Nine years since charges of human trafficking were brought to Mary Jane’s recruiters in Nueva Ecija, no significant progress has been made on the part of the PH government to speed up the process of taking Mary Jane’s testimony in Indonesia to aid in the legal case. Moreover, Marcos Jr. himself failed to appeal directly for clemency for Mary Jane during former President Jokowi’s Manila visit earlier this year. The Marcos Jr. administration must do away with its sluggishness and delays that are tantamount to years of denying justice for Mary Jane. In future talks with Prabowo, the PH government must demonstrate a sense of urgency and political will to secure Mary Jane’s freedom and bring her home to her family.

For fourteen years, Mary Jane and her family have fought with sheer determination to prove her innocence, raising awareness about the struggles of women migrant workers who become victims of human trafficking. It is our hope that President Prabowo will demonstrate compassion and wisdom and set an example of commitment to combating human trafficking in the region of Southeast Asia by granting Mary Jane clemency and immediate release.

We call on migrant, women and human rights advocates all over the world to stand with Mary Jane and her family and join our call in appealing to the new Indonesian government to grant clemency for Mary Jane on humanitarian grounds. Our determination to fight for Mary Jane’s freedom stops with no government in Manila or Jakarta.

Clemency and Freedom for Mary Jane Veloso!

Seafarers Summit Inilunsad

September 30. SEANetwork Seafarers Summit

Dinaluhan ng mga marino mula sa iba’t ibang organisasyon ang isang pagtitipon para muling talakayin ang Magna Carta of Filipino Seafarers na isa nang ganap na batas na pinirmahan ni Pangulong Marcos Jr. nitong Setyembre 23.

Kabilang sa mga pangunahing naglilinaw ng mga kahinaan ng batas sina Atty. Edwin DELA CRUZ, Atty. Joseph ENTERO, Engr. Xavier BAYONETA ng Concerned Seafarers of the Philippines, Rep. Arlene BROSAS, ng GABRIELA WOMEN’S PARTY, Liza MAZA, Co-convenor ng MAKABAYAN Coalition, at Atty. Neri COLMENARES, unang nominado ng BAYAN MUNA PARTYLIST. Inihapag ng mga tagapagsalita ang mga dapat gawin na sinang-ayunan ng mga delegado sa pagtitipon kabilang ang pagkwestyon sa Korte Suprema at parlamento ng lansangan dahil sa mga probisyon ng batas na labag sa konstitusyon at mga kontra-marino.

N. Bacarra/Kodao

Libreng Serbisyo sa mga Gusto ng Repatriation!

Mga Kagyat na Panawagan ng mga OFW sa Gobyerno ng Pilipinas sa Panahon ng Amnesty

Sa halos tatlong linggong lumipas nang sinumulan ng gobyerno ng United Arab Emirates ang Amnesty program nito, nasa 20,000 ng mga expatriates ang pumaloob sa unang linggo ng programang ito, 2,053 dito ay mga Pilipino. Sa ulat ng Migrant Workers Office at Philippine Embassy ay nasa 200 nang mga kababayan ang nag-avail ng repatriation. Mula sa datos na ito ay napakaliit ng bilang na ito, dahil sa tantya natin ay napakalaking bilang pa mga Pilipino ang may problema sa kanilang mga dokumento.

Ipinararating ng maraming OFW sa Migrante Middle East ang maraming dahilan kung bakit kakaunti pa lamang ang pumapaloob sa Amnesty program. Isa sa mga dahilan nito ay ang napakalaking gastusin para sa pag-aayos nito. Sa bahagi ng mga Pilipino na gusto pang magtrabaho o manatili sa UAE, kailangang ayusin ang pag-aaply ng bagong passport na may gastusin na humigit kumulang 700AED kasama pa dito ang dagdag na gastusin na pinapataw ng UAE sa pag-aayos ng papel para sa Amnesty tulad ng translation fee(80AED)at iba pang fees.

Nasa 1,100AED ang aabutin ng gastusin na napakabigat para sa OFW’s na walang regular na trabaho. Dahil dito, isa sa mga panawagan ng mga OFW ay suspendihin ang paniningil ng passport fee na pinapataw ng gobyerno ng Pilipinas at maglaan ng ayudang pinansyal ang gobyerno ng Pipinas para sa mga bayarin na sinisingil ng gobyerno ng UAE

Marami sa mga OFW’s ay gusto pang manatili sa UAE para makahanap ng trabaho dahil sa kawalang katiyakan sa kabuhayan sa Pilipinas. Kaya malaking ginhawa para sa mga OFW’s kung sususpendihin ang Passport fee at magbibigay ng ayudang pinansyal para sa pag-aayos ng mga papel. Dagdag pa sa rekisito na hindi makakapagpalit ng status sa loob ng bansa kung walang pang handang employer na magbigay ng working visa.

Sa kalagayan na wala pang employer, parehong pag-aayos ng mga papeles ang prosesong dadaanan. Kailangan lumabas ng UAE at magpunta sa mga bansa sa Asya labas sa GCC at Europa para maging tourist visa holder. Ang ganitong proseso ay napakalaking gastusin at walang katiyakan kung sa loob ng dalawang buwan ay makakahanap na ng trabaho.

Marami sa mga kababayan natin ay gustong pumaloob sa amnesty at makahanap ng bagong trabaho sa UAE. Natutulak ang malawak na sambayanan Pilipino sa ganitong sitwasyon dahil sa Labor Export Program at kawalan ng trabaho sa Pilipinas. May malalim na pinag-uugatan sa kaaayusang panlipunan ng Pilipinas kung bakit ganito ang kalagayan ng mga OFW at ito ay dapat na solusyunan sa pamamagitan ng tunay na reporma sa lupa at makabayang industralisasyon , at pagtamo ng tunay na kalayaan at demokrasya. Pero sa kagyat , dapat na akuin na responsibilidad ng gobyerno ng Pilipinas na bigyan ng tulong pinansyal at libreng serbisyo ang lahat ng Migranteng Pilipino na gustong pumaloob sa Repatriation , gayundin ang mga gusto pang manatili sa UAE.

Sa kasalukuyan na nakasalang sa pagtatalakay sa kamara ang budget ng Department of Migrant Workers hindi katangtap-tangap na imbes na dagdagan ay babawasan pa ang budget ng departamento. Dahil sa dumadaming problema ng ating mga kababayan sa labas ng bansa marapat lang na dagdagan pa ang budget lalo ang para sa Aksyon fund at gawin itong accessible para sa lahat ng Migranteng Pilipino.

Bilang kahilingan ng mga OFW sa UAE, ikinakampanya ng Migrante ang mga sumusunod na kagyat na panawagan:

Passport fee gawing Libre!
Ayudang Pinansyal sa pagproseso ng mga papel para sa Amnesty!
Libreng serbisyo sa mga gusto ng Repatriation!
Tutulan ang pagbabawas ng badyet para sa DMW!
Aksyon o Saklolo Fund gawing accesssible sa OFW!

End U.S.-backed Israeli terrorism in the Middle East!

September 26, 2024

Stop the genocide in Palestine! No to imperialist-driven war!

BAYAN USA, Migrante Middle East, and Commission 15 of the International League of People’s Struggles (ILPS) emphatically condemn Israel’s recent escalation of terrorist attacks on the Arab masses in the region as it continues its genocidal assault of the Palestinian people. 

There has been no let up in Israel’s genocidal rampage against Gaza almost one year after October 7. The Israeli Occupation Forces continue to bombard refugee camps, such as its war crime in Khan Yunis earlier this month that vaporized the remains of entire Palestinian families with 2,000 pound bombs. According to the most recent medical studies, Israel’s genocide will cost the lives of at lest 186,000 Palestinians.

In response to Israel’s brutality, Arab resistance movements in the region have lent their support to the Palestinian cause. With eyes trained on occupying a greater swath of the Middle East, Israel has taken this moment to carte blanche attack other countries. In the past two weeks, it coordinated a complex terrorist attack by exploding pagers and other communication devices within Lebanon, killing dozens and injuring thousands. It met retaliatory missile fire from Lebanon with a barrage of its own missiles, killing almost 1,000 Lebanese people in the past week, including Hezbollah’s Secretary General, Hassan Nasrallah. The assassination — which happened almost concurrently as Benjamin Netanyahu lied through his teeth to the United Nations General Assembly saying “Israel seeks peace” — is sure to fan the flames of regional war. That the zionist forces have the bloodthirst to commit these kinds of war crimes while still subjugating the Palestinian people shows just how bankrupt and rotten the state of Israel truly is.

But Israel is far from alone. The attacks against the Palestinian, Lebanese, Yemeni, and Arab peoples throughout the region would not be possible without the military financing, arms, and political and moral support provided by U.S. imperialism. Both U.S. presidential aspirants — Kamala Harris for the Democratic Party and Donald Trump for the Republican Party — have wholeheartedly defended the lie that Israel has a “right to defend itself.” Even Harris, who some have praised for calling for a ceasefire, has done nothing substantial to stop the steady flow of weapons to Israel. In fact, the Biden-Harris administration has even deployed more naval warships to the region, signaling that she was serious when she stated she would ensure the U.S. military remains the “most lethal fighting force in the world.”

BAYAN USA and Migrante Middle East, together with the ILPS Commission 15 on migrants, refugees and diaspora displaced by imperialism, continue our resolute solidarity with the Palestinian, Lebanese, and all Arab masses against U.S.-Israeli terror. We also know that any act of aggression by U.S. imperialism and Israeli war criminals also places the Filipino masses in danger, as millions of overseas Filipinos work in Palestine, Lebanon, and across the whole Middle East region because of the Philippine government’s systematic labor export program. Our best defense against such attacks is to link arms with our Arab brothers, sisters, and siblings to build the anti-imperialist and anti-fascist united front against our common enemies. 

We call for peace based on justice in the Middle East — and that justice means a free Palestine, a free Lebanon, a free Yemen, and freedom for all Arab peoples under the yolk of U.S. imperialism and its zionist project. 

Free Palestine! End U.S.-backed Israeli war crimes! U.S. out of the Middle East! U.S. out of everywhere!

Sara Duterte, Itinatakwil ng Migranteng Pilipino

September 27, 2024

From the halls of Congress to overseas Filipino communities, it is clear that Sara Duterte is unfit to continue as vice president.

Duterte is abusing billions of pesos in public funds taxed from OFWs. She refuses to explain her office’s budget abuses through the anomalous spending of confidential intelligence funds. Children of OFWs are now suffering from poorer access to quality education because DepEd funds were misused during Duterte’s term as education secretary. At every budget hearing, she continues to evade accountability for irregularities in public spending under her watch. Sara Duterte is drawing the ire of Filipino migrants and their families around the world.

Migrants and their families are sick of dishonest and corrupt governance from the likes of Sara Duterte. Her abuses of public funds and betrayals of trust cannot be tolerated, even by Filipinos abroad. We welcome and stand behind the growing clamor to #ImpeachSaraDuterte. This September 27, we pledge to turn the nationwide noise barrage against Duterte into a worldwide noise barrage for transparent and accountable governance.

#AbolishConfidentialFunds