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‘How many were not filmed?’: Calls to end police brutality renewed after cop killed mother and son in Tarlac

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By Catalina Ricci S. Madarang – December 21, 2020, Philstar.com/Interaksyon

Calls to end police brutality dominated conversations online on Monday after a cop was caught in a viral video killing an unarmed mother and son in Paniqui, Tarlac.

Police officer later identified as Senior Master Sergeant  Jonel Nuezca on Sunday shot 52-year-old Sonya Gregorio and her son, Frank Anthony Gregorio, 25, over an altercation regarding the latter’s use of “boga,” an improvised noisemaker used during the holidays in the Philippines.

Nuezca, who was reportedly assigned to the Parañaque City Crime laboratory, surrendered at the Rosales Pangasinan Municipal Police Station an hour after the incident.

He also turned over his PNP-issued 9mm semi-auto pistol that was used in the crime.

In an interview with GMA News’ “Unang Balita,” Police Lieutenant Colonel Noriel Rombaoa, chief of the Paniqui Police, said that the suspect went to the victims’ houses to confront them.

“Pumunta yung police sa bahay ng biktima at nagkaroon ng pagtatalo, naungkat ang matagal na nilang alitan sa right-of-way,” he said.

Nuezca refused to say anything except he regrets shooting the two victims, Rombaoa added. He also stated that the former will face a double murder complaint from the local police.

Data from Police Regional Office III chief Police Brigadier General Val de Leon showed that Nuezca had faced grave misconduct or homicide cases in May and December last year. However, these cases were dismissed due to lack of substantial evidence.

Nuezca had faced grave misconduct (homicide) cases in May and December 2019. Both, however, were dismissed due to lack of substantial evidence.

Stop the killings

Several hashtags and the phrase “My father is a policeman”
dominated the top five spots on Twitter Philippines’ trending list on Monday as concerned Filipinos and human rights advocates called to end police brutality in the Philippines.

The phrase was uttered by the daughter of Nuezca during the altercation between the victims and her policeman father, seconds before the Gregorios were shot dead.

Nuezca’s daughter also received backlash online for this remark. Twitter user @lakwatsarah, said that the daughter might have been raised to believe that her father is above the law.

“She was probably raised to believe he can shoot anyone who messes with them. He shot them. He made that choice. The daughter is a victim of his parenting,” she said.

Aside from this phrase, the hashtags in the local Twitter’s top trending list as of writing are:

  1. #StopTheKillingsPH with over 670,000 tweets
  2. #JusticeforSonyaGregoria with over 360,000 tweets
  3. #EndPoliceBrutality with over 286,000 tweets
  4. #Pulisangterorista with over 191,000 tweets

The calls for justice for Sonya and Frank Gregorio were also launched on Facebook.

Progressive groups such as the League of Filipino Students and Gabriela Youth issued separate statements that denounced Nuezca’s brutal act and other cases of abuse and killings in the Philippines.

‘How many were not filmed?’

Meanwhile, Interior Secretary Eduardo Año said that the shooting incident in Paniqui is an “isolated incident.” He also said that “the sin of Nuezca is not the sin of the entire Philippine National Police.”

“This is an unfortunate but isolated incident. While there are unfortunate incidents like this, the vast majority of our PNP personnel perform their sworn duties everyday with honor and integrity to protect and serve the people,” Año said.

Writers Emiliana Kampilan or “Dead Balagtas” and Alfonso Manalastas, however, noted the possible deaths at the hands of the police and the military that were not caught on camera.

Bar 2019 topnotcher Kenneth Manuel echoed the similar view and questioned if there were more underreported victims.

“Minsan mapapaisip ka na lang, ilan na kaya nakitil nito pero hindi lang naibalita? Mas mapapaisip ka, ilan kaya sa kanila ang kayang pumatay ng ganito?” Manuel wrote.

Several concerned Filipinos also questioned this possibility, while citing that drug suspects were killed before because they allegedly fought back or “nanlaban” but there were no videos to prove them.

Detained Sen. Leila De Lima in 2018 called out the government and former presidential spokesperson Salvador Panelo for using the “nanlaban” narrative.

“I cannot allow Panelo to continue to poison the public’s mind with the Duterte administration’s oft-repeated but flawed proposition that the increasing number of deaths due to the crackdown on drugs was because suspected drug offenders have all resisted police arrest with violence,” she said in December 2018.

Meanwhile, others lamented the Christmas bonuses police officers received despite the reported brutality.

“Tapos mas mataas ang bonus ng mga pulis kaysa health workers?” he said.

Not the first time

Data from World Population Review showed that in 2020, the Philippines ranked third among the countries with the highest cases of police killings wherein 3,451 people were killed or a rate of 322 victims per 10 million people.

In a September report from US-based Human Rights Watch, citing government data, the PNP killed 50% more people between April and July of this year despite the ongoing novel coronavirus pandemic.

HRW noted that this figure is only for deaths in police anti-drug operations.

Last June, the rising cases of police abuse in the Philippines which happened before and during the pandemic were juxtaposed to the killings perpetrated by the police in the United States.

The death of George Floyd, a 46-year-old black American who was killed by a police officer in Minneapolis triggered a nationwide campaign for equal rights for all people of color.

RELATED: ‘I can’t breathe!,’ ‘Tama na po’: Police brutality in US, Philippines juxtaposed

Duterte’s ‘shoot-to-kill’ remarks

Some Filipinos blamed such rogue activities among PNP members on President Rodrigo Duterte’s continuous “shoot-to-kill” remarks since he took office in 2016.

In a televised address aired last December 16, Duterte denied ordering the police to “shoot to kill” civilians.

“May mga pulis na talagang may ano sa — diretso salvage ganoon. Wala akong inutos na ganoon. Remember, in all of my utterances, ang galit ko ‘yan when I say, ‘Do not destroy my country, the Republic of the Philippines, who elected me as President. Do not destroy our sons and daughters because I will kill you.’ Sabi ko — hindi ko sinabi, ‘They impede, they will kill you.’ The military will… I said, ‘I will kill you,’” the said.

“Pero sabi ko, ito, ‘Go out and destroy the apparatus.’ Iyan. Pagka nagkabarilan diyan in destroying the apparatus, goodbye ka. Kaya sabi ko, ‘Ako, I take full responsibility for my order.’ ‘But remember,’ I said, ‘enforce the law in accordance with what you have learned then self-defense.’ Defense of ano ‘yan. Stranger kung kasama mo. In law it’s called a stranger, maski kilala mo. Defense of relative,” he also said.

‘Walk the talk’

Amid the outrage on Nuezca’s brutal act both Paniqui Police chief Rombaoa and PNP chief Police General Major Debold Sinas reminded their colleagues to observe “maximum tolerance.”

“Sa mga kasamahan po natin sa pulisya, dapat self-control kasi nga maximum tolerance tayo, tayo ang may armas. Kung merong umaagrabiyado sa atin merong right forum po riyan, pwede nating kasuhan, not to the point na gagamitin natin ang baril natin,” Rombaoa was quoted as saying.“Lagi nating tandaan ang ating sinumpaang tungkulin bilang tagapagpatupad ng batas. We should walk the talk in the PNP,” Sinas said. #

‘Aswang’ Documentary Review: Do Not Dare Look Away

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July 20, 2020/

By L.S. Mendizabal

Kodao Productions

Pumarito ka. Bahala ka, kukunin ka ng aswang diyan! (Come here, or else the aswang will get you!)” is a threat often directed at Filipino children by their mothers. In fact, you can’t be Filipino without having heard it at least once in your life. For as early as in childhood, we are taught to fear creatures we’ve only seen in nightmares triggered by bedtime stories told by our Lolas.

In Philippine folklore, an “aswang” is a shape-shifting monster that roams in the night to prey on people or animals for survival. They may take a human form during the day. The concept of “monster” was first introduced to us in the 16th century by the Spanish to demonize animist shamans, known as “babaylan” and “asog,” in order to persuade Filipino natives to abandon their “anitos” (nature, ancestor spirits) and convert to Roman Catholicism—a colonizing tactic that proved to be effective from Luzon to Northern Mindanao.

In the early 1950s, seeing that Filipinos continued to be superstitious, the Central Intelligence Agency weaponized folklore against the Hukbong Bayan Laban sa Hapon (Hukbalahap), an army of mostly local peasants who opposed US intervention in the country following our victory over the Japanese in World War II. The CIA trained the Philippine Army to butcher and puncture holes in the dead bodies of kidnapped Huk fighters to make them look like they were bitten and killed by an aswang. They would then pile these carcasses on the roadside where the townspeople could see them, spreading fear and terror in the countryside. Soon enough, people stopped sympathizing with and giving support to the Huks, frightened that the aswang might get them, too.

Fast forward to a post-Duterte Philippines wherein the sight of splayed corpses has become as common as of the huddled living bodies of beggars in the streets. Under the harsh, flickering streetlights, it’s difficult to tell the dead and the living apart. This is one of many disturbing images you may encounter in Alyx Ayn Arumpac’s Aswang. The documentary, which premiered online and streamed for free for a limited period last weekend, chronicles the first two years of President Rodrigo Duterte’s campaign on illegal drugs. “Oplan Tokhang” authorized the Philippine National Police to conduct a door-to-door manhunt of drug dealers and/or users. According to human rights groups, Tokhang has killed an estimated 30,000 Filipinos, most of whom were suspected small-time drug offenders without any actual charges filed against them. A pattern emerged of eerily identical police reports across cases: They were killed in a “neutralization” because they fought back (“nanlaban”) with a gun, which was the same rusty .38 caliber pistol repeatedly found along with packets of methamphetamine (“shabu”) near the bloodied corpses. When children and innocent people died during operations, PNP would call them “collateral damage.” Encouraged by Duterte himself, there were also vigilante killings too many to count. Some were gunned down by unidentified riding-in-tandem suspects, while some ended up as dead bodies wrapped in duct tape, maimed or accessorized with a piece of cardboard bearing the words, “Pusher ako, huwag tularan” (I’m a drug pusher, do not emulate). Almost all the dead casualties shared one thing in common: they were poor. Virtually no large-scale drug lord suffered the same fate they did.

And for a while, it was somehow tempting to call it “fate.” Filipinos were being desensitized to the sheer number of drug-related extrajudicial killings (a thousand a month, according to the film). “Nanlaban” jokes and memes circulated on Facebook and news of slain Tokhang victims were no longer news as their names and faces were reduced to figures in a death toll that saw no end.

As much as Aswang captures the real horrors and gore of the drug war, so has it shown effectively the abnormal “sense of normal” in the slums of Manila as residents deal with Tokhang on the daily. Fearing for their lives has become part of their routine along with making sure they have something to eat or slippers on their feet. This biting everyday reality is highlighted by Arumpac’s storytelling unlike that of any documentary I’ve ever seen. Outlined by poetic narration with an ominous tone that sounds like a legitimately hair-raising ghost story, Aswang transports the audience, whether they like it or not, from previously seeing Tokhang exclusively on the news to the actual scenes of the crime and funerals through the eyes of four main individuals: a nightcrawler photojournalist and dear family friend, Ciriaco Santiago III (“Brother Jun” to many), a funeral parlor operator, a street kid and an unnamed woman.

Along with other nightcrawlers, Bro. Jun waits for calls or texts alerting them of Tokhang killings all over Manila’s nooks and crannies. What sets him apart from the others, perhaps motivated by his mission as Redemptorist Brother, is that he speaks to the families of the murdered victims to not only obtain information but to comfort them. In fact, Bro. Jun rarely speaks throughout the film. Most of the time, he’s just listening, his brows furrowed with visible concern and empathy. It’s as if the bereaved are confessing to him not their own transgressions but those committed against them by the state. One particular scene that really struck me is when he consoles a middle-aged man whose brother was just killed not far from his house. “Kay Duterte ako pero mali ang ginawa nila sa kapatid ko” (I am for Duterte but what they did to my brother was wrong), he says to Bro. Jun in between sobs. Meanwhile, a mother tells the story of how her teenage son went out with friends and never came home. His corpse later surfaced in a mortuary. “Just because Duterte gave [cops] the right to kill, some of them take advantage because they know there won’t be consequences,” she angrily says in Filipino before wailing in pain while showing Bro. Jun photos of her son smiling in selfies and then laying pale and lifeless at the morgue.

The Eusebio Funeral Services is a setting in the film that becomes as familiar as the blood-soaked alleys of the city. Its operator is an old man who gives the impression of being seasoned in his profession. And yet, nothing has prepared him for the burden of accommodating at least five cadavers every night when he was used to only one to two a week. When asked where all the unclaimed bodies go, he casually answers, “mass burial.” We later find out at the local cemetery that “mass burial” is the stacking of corpses in tiny niches they designated for the nameless and kinless. Children pause in their games as they look on at this crude interment, after which a man seals the niche with hollow blocks and wet cement, ready to be smashed open again for the next occupant/s. At night, the same cemetery transforms into a shelter for the homeless whose blanketed bodies resemble those covered in cloth at Eusebio Funeral Services.

Tama na po, may exam pa ako bukas” (Please stop, I still have an exam tomorrow). 17-year-old high school student, Kian Delo Santos, pleaded for his life with these words before police shot him dead in a dark alley near his home. The documentary takes us to this very alley without the foreknowledge that the corpse we see on the screen is in fact Kian’s. At his wake, we meet Jomari, a little boy who looks not older than seven but talks like a grown man. He fondly recalls Kian as a kind friend, short of saying that there was no way he could’ve been involved in drugs. Jomari should know, his parents are both in jail for using and peddling drugs. At a very young age, he knows that the cops are the enemy and that he must run at the first sign of them. Coupled with this wisdom and prematurely heightened sense of self-preservation is Jomari’s innocence, glimpses of which we see when he’s thrilled to try on new clothes and when he plays with his friends. Children in the slums are innocent but not naïve. They play with wild abandon but their exchanges are riddled with expletives, drugs and violence. They even reenact a Tokhang scene where the cops beat up and shoot a victim.

Towards the end of the film, a woman whose face is hidden and identity kept private gives a brief interview where, like the children drawing monsters only they could see in horror movies, she sketches a prison cell she was held in behind a bookshelf. Her interview alternates with shots of the actual secret jail that was uncovered by the press in a police station in Tondo in 2017. “Naghuhugas lang po ako ng pinggan n’ung kinuha nila ‘ko!” (I was just washing the dishes when they took me!), screams one woman the very second the bookshelf is slid open like a door. Camera lights reveal the hidden cell to be no wider than a corridor with no window, light or ventilation. More than ten people are inside. They later tell the media that they were abducted and have been detained for a week without cases filed against them, let alone a police blotter. They slept in their own shit and urine, were tortured and electrocuted by the cops, and told that they’d only be released if they paid the PNP money ranging from 10 000 to 100 000 pesos. Instead of being freed that day, their papers are processed for their transfer to different jails.

Aswang is almost surreal in its depiction of social realities. It is spellbinding yet deeply disturbing in both content and form. Its extremely violent visuals and hopelessly bleak scenes are eclipsed by its more delicate moments: Bro. Jun praying quietly by his lonesome after a night of pursuing trails of blood, Jomari clapping his hands in joyful glee as he becomes the owner of a new pair of slippers, an old woman playing with her pet dog in an urban poor community, a huge rally where protesters demand justice for all the victims of EJKs and human rights violations, meaning that they were not forgotten. It’s also interesting to note that while the film covers events in a span of two years, the recounting of these incidents is not chronological as seen in Bro. Jun’s changing haircuts and in Jomari’s unchanging outfit from when he gets new slippers to when he’s found after months of going missing. Without naming people, places and even dates, with Arumpacletting the poor do most of the heavy lifting bysimply telling their stories on state terrorism and impunity in their own language, Aswang succeeds in demonstrating how Duterte’s war on drugs is, in reality, a genocide of the poor, elevating the film beyond numb reportage meant to merely inform the public to being a testament to the people’s struggle. The scattered sequence, riveting images, sinister music and writing that borrows elements from folklore and the horror genre make Aswang feel more like a dream than a documentary—a nightmare, to be precise. And then, a rude awakening. The film compels us to replay and review Oplan Tokhang by bringing the audience to a place of such intimate and troubling closeness with the dead and the living they had left behind.

Its unfiltered rawness makes Aswang a challenging yet crucial watch. Blogger and company CEO, Cecile Zamora, wrote on her Instagram stories that she only checked Aswang out since it was trending but that she gave up 23 minutes in because it depressed her, declaring the documentary “not worth her mental health” and discouraging her 52,000 followers from watching it, too. Naturally, her tone-deaf statements went viral on Twitter and in response to the backlash, she posted a photo of a Tokhang victim’s family with a caption that said she bought them a meal and gave them money as if this should exempt her from criticism and earn her an ally cookie, instead.

 Aswang is definitely not a film about privileged Filipinos like Zamora—who owns designer handbags and lives in a luxurious Ed Calma home—but this doesn’t make the documentary any less relevant or necessary for them to watch. Zamora missed the point entirely: Aswang is supposed to make her and the rest of us feel upset! It nails the purpose of art in comforting the disturbed and disturbing the comfortable. It establishes that the only aswang that exists is not a precolonial shaman or a shape-shifting monster, but fear itself—the fear that dwells within us that is currently aggravated and used by a fascist state to force us into quiet submission and apathy towards the most marginalized sectors of society.

Before the credits roll, the film verbalizes its call to action in the midst of the ongoing slaughter of the poor and psychological warfare by the Duterte regime:

“Kapag sinabi nilang may aswang, ang gusto talaga nilang sabihin ay, ‘Matakot ka.’ Itong lungsod na napiling tambakan ng katawan ay lalamunin ka, tulad ng kung paano nilalamon ng takot ang tatag. Pero meron pa ring hindi natatakot at nagagawang harapin ang halimaw. Dito nagsisimula.” (When they say there’s a monster, what they really want to say is “be afraid.” This city, chosen to be the dumpsite of the dead, will devour you as fear devours courage. But there are still those who are not afraid and are able to look the monster in the eye. This is where it begins).

During these times, when an unjust congressional vote recently shut down arguably the country’s largest multimedia network in an effort to stifle press freedom and when the Anti-Terrorism Law is now in effect, Aswang should be made more accessible to the masses because it truly is a must-see for every Filipino, and by “must-see,” I mean, “Don’t you dare look away.” #

= = = = = =

References:

Buan, L. (2020). “UN Report: Documents suggest PH Police Planted Guns in Drug War Ops”. Rappler. Retrieved from https://rappler.com/nation/united-nations-report-documents-suggest-philippine-police-planted-guns-drug-war-operations

Ichimura, A., & Severino, A. (2019). “How the CIA Used the Aswang to Win a War in the Philippines”. Esquire. Retrieved from https://www.esquiremag.ph/long-reads/features/cia-aswang-war-a00304-a2416-20191019-lfrm

Lim, B. C. (2015). “Queer Aswang Transmedia: Folklore as Camp”. Kritika Kultura, 24. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3mj1k076

Tan, L. (2017). “Duterte Encourages Vigilante Killings, Tolerates Police Modus – Human Rights Watch”. CNN Philippines. Retrieved from https://cnnphilippines.com/news/2017/03/02/Duterte-PNP-war-on-drugs-Human-Rights-Watch.html

More Filipinos will be disenfranchised in the upcoming OAV Mid-Term election 2025

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#Halalan2025

The overseas voting is just a few days away but… oops, page not found. Oops, unexpected error. Broken link. Very late or never received an OTP. Page expired. These are just a few of several feedbacks that we received. Not only was COMELEC late in providing the pre-enrolment link and information drive, there are no advisories on what to do if such problems are encountered. We need an accessible and reliable system. This flawed system represents a significant and widespread disenfranchisement.

The Philippine Consulate General in Hong Kong (PCG) in Hong Kong conducted a training session for Filipino leaders in the community on March 16, 2025. Vice Consul Gelo Manuel assured the leaders that the online voting system would be easy and convenient for overseas Filipino voters, enabling them to cast their votes anytime, anywhere.

However, the experience since then has been anything but smooth. Despite assurances, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) failed to post the necessary link for the online voting system on time. Voters were forced to wait for three days before the link was finally posted on the PCG’s official Facebook page. While the pre-enrolment period was supposed to begin on March 20, in Hong Kong it didn’t actually start until the afternoon of March 23, 2025.

Feedbacks from Filipino voters has revealed numerous difficulties and irregularities in accessing the system. Many found themselves repeatedly attempting to access the system only to be greeted by expired time limits forcing them to restart the process. While the QR code system functioned, it presented a technological challenge, as not all users are sufficiently tech-savvy to navigate it effectively. Due to this challenges, some voters have expressed a preference to return to in-person voting at the consulate to avoid the unreliable online process. This sentiment could lead to long queues, reminiscent of previous experiences with OEC processing.

Every election, since the overseas voting was implemented, we have to keep asserting on our right to have a reliable, efficient and transparent elections. This problematic and unreliable system is pushing our kababayans to express their lack of trust, discouraging others from not voting altogether. We are calling the COMELEC to urgently address these issues.

– Lai Besana, Spokesperson

59 BAYAN MUNA Partylist Hong Kong

MARCH 28 – GLOBAL DAY OF ACTION TO CONVICT RODRIGO DUTERTE IN THE ICC

Contribute by: 1. Holding protest actions, vigils, and other gatherings to show our support for justice and
accountability;

2. Gathering signatures for the sign-on letter supporting Duterte’s arrest: tinyurl.com/duterte-icc

3. Doing outreach and educating your community by using our handout:
bayanusa.org/blog/resource-duterte-icc

Prosecute Duterte for crimes against humanity!
Marcos, rejoin the ICC now!

Justice for Flor and all exploited Filipino migrant workers will be achieved through the people’s democratic revolution with socialist perspective!

Compatriots-NDFP marks the 30th year since the execution of Flor Contemplacion, one of our fellow migrant workers put to death in Singapore after an unjust trial abroad. We remain indignant at the Philippine reactionary government for failing to save Flor’s life, denying her the support she needed until it was too late.

The hanging of Flor in 1995 sparked nationwide outrage. Filipino migrants and their families back home led mass protests calling for her justice. But to this day, the Philippine government continues to deny justice for many migrant workers since Flor’s death like Mary Jane Veloso who remains imprisoned in the Philippines. Only through the overthrow of this puppet reactionary state can we realize justice for all exploited and oppressed Filipino migrants.

By abandoning Flor Contemplacion to the gallows, the Philippine state exposed their labor export program as a false solution to the impoverished conditions our people are subjected to. Poor living conditions back home and the Philippine government’s peddling of employment overseas coerced Flor to work in Singapore as a domestic worker, only to never return alive. They sold Flor abroad and continue to sell millions of us into peril overseas. We endure labor violations, discrimination, and even slave-like conditions from foreign employers and their reactionary host governments. Like Flor, we enjoy no protections, especially not from the Philippine state. Human traffickers are left to prey on vulnerable OFWs with impunity, as with the case of Mary Jane Veloso.

Despite the many cases of exploitation, abuse, and abandonment overseas, Filipinos are still leaving the country in their thousands every day. The persistent crises of worker unemployment and peasant landlessness continue to force us to go abroad in the hopes of a stable livelihood that we cannot find at home. The big bourgeois comprador and landlord classes who rule the country have no interest in ending these chronic crises. Their power comes from monopolies on land and the continuous flow of commodity imports and raw material exports. They are obsessed with following the neoliberal dictates of the US to maintain this order. It is to the benefit of them and their US imperialist masters that our country’s economy remain backward, agrarian, and non-industrial.

To stave off a complete collapse of the local economy, the Philippine government has become the number one recruiter and trafficker of Filipino migrants, facilitated by the Department of Migrant Workers who ensures the systematic and mass sale of Filipinos. Through bilateral labor agreements and neoliberal deployment programs, they peddle us to foreign countries, catering to their demands for cheap labor. The state is dependent on our foreign exchange remittances to ease the country’s trade deficit between large commodity imports and a weak export capacity.

Justice for Flor Contemplacion and all Filipino migrants will not come from the comprador – landlord ruling state. It will certainly not come from the US-Marcos Jr. regime, which saw record highs of Filipinos leaving the country and is denying clemency to Mary Jane Veloso. Justice for victims of human trafficking, unjust detention and death row abroad, and migrant labor exploitation can only come from the collective and revolutionary action of Filipinos overseas and the people.

The Compatriots-NDFP, being the revolutionary mass organization of overseas Filipinos will undertake ever widening and deepening mass work in order to bring together masses of overseas compatriots towards embracing the people’s democratic revolution in the Philippines as their weapon to upend the semifeudal and semicolonial order and realize the justice that comes from national and social liberation. Our revolutionary movement will empower our fellow migrants in taking justice for their exploitation, oppression, and state neglect into their own hands.

The three decades of growing injustices against Filipino migrant workers compel us to unite with oppressed sectors back home in overthrowing the local ruling system. The continuing crises at home and overseas push us to strengthen our political and material support for the revolutionary war in the countryside. Let us cherish the New People’s Army in their mission to defend the people and overthrow the reactionary order.

Together, let us fight for a genuine national democratic and socialist society together with the revolutionary organizations of peasants, workers, women, youth and the Filipino overseas as well as the proletariat that leads them. Together, we will continue to build organs of political power that oversee land reform, justice, education, healthcare, and other social services that our families back home would not otherwise enjoy.

Long live the Compatriots-NDFP!

Long live the Revolutionary Organizations of Filipinos Overseas!

GLOBAL DAY OF PROTEST: DUTERTE PANAGUTIN! DUTERTE IKULONG!

Join Filipinos across the U.S. as we participate in the March 14 Black Friday global day of protest demanding full accountability, prosecution, and jailing of Duterte and his co-perpetrators for the deadly “war on drugs” and other war crimes against the people.

Duterte will make his first appearance at the International Criminal Court on March 14. Let us show the world that the Filipino people will never stop demanding justice until it is won!

Massive victory by Nexperia Philippines Workers Union against savage union-busting strategy

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ICHRP Salutes Workers and Supports the Fight Ahead

On March 5, the Nexperia Philippines Inc. Workers Union – NAFLU – KMU (NPIWU-NAFLU-KMU) held a vote of its 1,800 members at the Laguna semiconductor factory and 1,300 voted to strike. Six hundred workers occupied the factory and 600 formed a picketline at the gate of the Laguna Light Industry and Science Park 1. The management cut off water and electricity and blocked food supplies to those in the factory.

On the evening of March 7, the management launched an attack on the picket line, but the solidarity of the union members and their allies defeated the attempted dispersal. Next day, International Women’s Day, the management agreed to the two basic demands of the workers. Later that evening the occupying workers marched triumphantly out to the picketline, where there were tears among the heartfelt jubilation.

The strike had won!

The company had agreed to increase the daily wage by a modest P50 (US$0.87) and to reinstate two for the four union leaders it had dismissed illegally during Collective Bargaining Agreement (CBA) negotiations in December 2024. The union will take legal action to have the other two reinstated. All workers will receive a P20,000 (US$350) signing bonus.

The Nexperia workers victory comes after a long struggle in the face of intense repression. During 2023 and 2024, agents of the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) demanded that the Nexperia Union and others in the Southern Tagalog region disaffiliate from NAFLU-KMU, and even visited the workers at their homes to threaten them and their families, accusing them of supporting terrorism. Such attacks exemplify the pattern of counterinsurgency tactics used against civilians in the Philippines. The failure to distinguish between civilians and armed combatants marks a violation of international humanitarian law.

The Marcos Jr government has been previously exposed by the International Labour Organization (ILO) High Level Tripartite Mission in January 2023 for gross violation of the Freedom of Association, based on 65 cases of union leaders being murdered over the previous six years. Despite undertaking to make major reforms and to cease defining trade union activity as terrorism, the Marcos Jr. regime continued the fierce repression. The attack on the Nexperia workers is a major part of this repression, which aims to eliminate genuine trade unions as a key component of the national democratic movement in the Philippines.

The International Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines (ICHRP) demands that the repression of the workers’ movement cease and that the Marcos Jr. regime fulfill its commitments to the ILO. Until this happens, ICHRP urges all democratic governments to suspend all military and police aid to the Philippines.

More background on the dispute

In 2023, management dismissed 37 workers citing poor productivity. In April 2024, another 54 workers were terminated. On June 30, 2024, following a union protest, a further 326 were targeted for dismissal. The company argued that it wanted a four-fold increase in the level of automation then in place.

NPIWU-NAFLU-KMU filed a Notice of Strike (NOS) on June 26, 2024, in the middle of the CBA negotiations, on the grounds of unfair labor practices.

In September 2024, the NOS was lifted when the company made a small but significant concession. Although the sought-after reinstatement of workers was not achieved, some provisions in the CBA were secured, and negotiations continued. As the CBA negotiations progressed, the union lowered its daily wage increase demand to P45 (US$0.79), but the company still did not improve its offer, maintaining it at P17 (US$0.30), which was far below the previous CBA’s daily wage increase of P38 (US$0.66).

The workers continued their actions inside and outside the plant to fight for their CBA. In response, the company illegally dismissed the four union leaders on Human Right Day December 10, 2024— President Mary Ann Castillo, Vice President Antonio Fajardo, Public Relations Officer Girlie Batad, and Council Member Marvel Marquez, because they held mass meetings inside the workplace to report on management’s refusal to negotiate a reasonable wage increase. The union filed an NOS for Unfair Labor Practice (ULP), with 1,195 voting in favor of the strike on December 19, 2024.

During 2023 and 2024, agents of the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) demanded that the Nexperia Union and others in the Southern Tagalog region disaffiliate from NAFLU-KMU. When this failed, the NTF-ELCAC agents visited the workers at their homes to threaten them and their families, accusing them of supporting terrorism. But the union leaders and members refused to be intimidated.

On February 5, 2025, Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) Secretary Bienvenido Laguesma issued an Assumption of Jurisdiction (AJ) over the workers’ strike, forbidding any strike by declaring it a matter of “national interest”. Nexperia is a major exporter, contributing $2.8 billion each year. The factory produces 7 million semiconductors per day.

After the AJ, there were 21 CBA negotiating sessions and three more conciliation hearings. Faced with the stonewalling of the management, the union called on the vote strike on March 5. On March 7, DOLE ordered a return to work.

About Nexperia

Nexperia Phils. Inc. is part of a multinational semiconductor company that manufactures chips used in the automotive industry, electric vehicles, cellphones, and more. Its clients include Bosch, Continental, Denso, Huawei, Neltz, Tesla, Xiaomi, and Samsung.

The company is headquartered in the Netherlands and China. In addition to the Philippines, it has manufacturing and assembly sites in Germany, the United Kingdom, and Malaysia.

In 2017, WingTech acquired Nexperia. WingTech is partially state-owned by China and by Wing Zhang. Aside from Nexperia, the company has other subsidiaries across various industries.

In 2015, NXP Semiconductors launched a concerted union-busting strategy against its workforce, but the union members had been thoroughly organising at the factory, in the industrial park, in the community through the Metal Workers Alliance of the Philippines and internationally through IndustriAll. After an intense three-month struggle of rallies and strikes, the union defeated the company and won a significant CBA, but some of its leaders paid the price of their jobs to secure this victory.

Originally, the company was known as Philips Semiconductors, based in Las Piñas. In 2006, Philips sold 80.1% of its shares to U.S. investors, leading to the company being rebranded as NXP Semiconductors. Its products focused on communication technologies, such as chips for cellphones and base stations (cell sites).

In 2017, the company became Nexperia Semiconductors, shifting its production focus to the automotive industry. According to Nexperia’s website, the company proudly produces over 90 billion essential semiconductors annually.

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DUTERTE PANAGUTIN AT IKULONG!

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Mar 11 – BAYAN NorCal and its member organizations with Malaya Movement San Francisco held a Quick Response Protest at the Philippine Consulate in San Francisco. The protest commemorated Duterte’s arrest by the ICC as a step towards achieving justice for all those he killed under his regime.

#DutertePanagutin #DuterteIkulong