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‘How many were not filmed?’: Calls to end police brutality renewed after cop killed mother and son in Tarlac

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By Catalina Ricci S. Madarang – December 21, 2020, Philstar.com/Interaksyon

Calls to end police brutality dominated conversations online on Monday after a cop was caught in a viral video killing an unarmed mother and son in Paniqui, Tarlac.

Police officer later identified as Senior Master Sergeant  Jonel Nuezca on Sunday shot 52-year-old Sonya Gregorio and her son, Frank Anthony Gregorio, 25, over an altercation regarding the latter’s use of “boga,” an improvised noisemaker used during the holidays in the Philippines.

Nuezca, who was reportedly assigned to the Parañaque City Crime laboratory, surrendered at the Rosales Pangasinan Municipal Police Station an hour after the incident.

He also turned over his PNP-issued 9mm semi-auto pistol that was used in the crime.

In an interview with GMA News’ “Unang Balita,” Police Lieutenant Colonel Noriel Rombaoa, chief of the Paniqui Police, said that the suspect went to the victims’ houses to confront them.

“Pumunta yung police sa bahay ng biktima at nagkaroon ng pagtatalo, naungkat ang matagal na nilang alitan sa right-of-way,” he said.

Nuezca refused to say anything except he regrets shooting the two victims, Rombaoa added. He also stated that the former will face a double murder complaint from the local police.

Data from Police Regional Office III chief Police Brigadier General Val de Leon showed that Nuezca had faced grave misconduct or homicide cases in May and December last year. However, these cases were dismissed due to lack of substantial evidence.

Nuezca had faced grave misconduct (homicide) cases in May and December 2019. Both, however, were dismissed due to lack of substantial evidence.

Stop the killings

Several hashtags and the phrase “My father is a policeman”
dominated the top five spots on Twitter Philippines’ trending list on Monday as concerned Filipinos and human rights advocates called to end police brutality in the Philippines.

The phrase was uttered by the daughter of Nuezca during the altercation between the victims and her policeman father, seconds before the Gregorios were shot dead.

Nuezca’s daughter also received backlash online for this remark. Twitter user @lakwatsarah, said that the daughter might have been raised to believe that her father is above the law.

“She was probably raised to believe he can shoot anyone who messes with them. He shot them. He made that choice. The daughter is a victim of his parenting,” she said.

Aside from this phrase, the hashtags in the local Twitter’s top trending list as of writing are:

  1. #StopTheKillingsPH with over 670,000 tweets
  2. #JusticeforSonyaGregoria with over 360,000 tweets
  3. #EndPoliceBrutality with over 286,000 tweets
  4. #Pulisangterorista with over 191,000 tweets

The calls for justice for Sonya and Frank Gregorio were also launched on Facebook.

Progressive groups such as the League of Filipino Students and Gabriela Youth issued separate statements that denounced Nuezca’s brutal act and other cases of abuse and killings in the Philippines.

‘How many were not filmed?’

Meanwhile, Interior Secretary Eduardo Año said that the shooting incident in Paniqui is an “isolated incident.” He also said that “the sin of Nuezca is not the sin of the entire Philippine National Police.”

“This is an unfortunate but isolated incident. While there are unfortunate incidents like this, the vast majority of our PNP personnel perform their sworn duties everyday with honor and integrity to protect and serve the people,” Año said.

Writers Emiliana Kampilan or “Dead Balagtas” and Alfonso Manalastas, however, noted the possible deaths at the hands of the police and the military that were not caught on camera.

Bar 2019 topnotcher Kenneth Manuel echoed the similar view and questioned if there were more underreported victims.

“Minsan mapapaisip ka na lang, ilan na kaya nakitil nito pero hindi lang naibalita? Mas mapapaisip ka, ilan kaya sa kanila ang kayang pumatay ng ganito?” Manuel wrote.

Several concerned Filipinos also questioned this possibility, while citing that drug suspects were killed before because they allegedly fought back or “nanlaban” but there were no videos to prove them.

Detained Sen. Leila De Lima in 2018 called out the government and former presidential spokesperson Salvador Panelo for using the “nanlaban” narrative.

“I cannot allow Panelo to continue to poison the public’s mind with the Duterte administration’s oft-repeated but flawed proposition that the increasing number of deaths due to the crackdown on drugs was because suspected drug offenders have all resisted police arrest with violence,” she said in December 2018.

Meanwhile, others lamented the Christmas bonuses police officers received despite the reported brutality.

“Tapos mas mataas ang bonus ng mga pulis kaysa health workers?” he said.

Not the first time

Data from World Population Review showed that in 2020, the Philippines ranked third among the countries with the highest cases of police killings wherein 3,451 people were killed or a rate of 322 victims per 10 million people.

In a September report from US-based Human Rights Watch, citing government data, the PNP killed 50% more people between April and July of this year despite the ongoing novel coronavirus pandemic.

HRW noted that this figure is only for deaths in police anti-drug operations.

Last June, the rising cases of police abuse in the Philippines which happened before and during the pandemic were juxtaposed to the killings perpetrated by the police in the United States.

The death of George Floyd, a 46-year-old black American who was killed by a police officer in Minneapolis triggered a nationwide campaign for equal rights for all people of color.

RELATED: ‘I can’t breathe!,’ ‘Tama na po’: Police brutality in US, Philippines juxtaposed

Duterte’s ‘shoot-to-kill’ remarks

Some Filipinos blamed such rogue activities among PNP members on President Rodrigo Duterte’s continuous “shoot-to-kill” remarks since he took office in 2016.

In a televised address aired last December 16, Duterte denied ordering the police to “shoot to kill” civilians.

“May mga pulis na talagang may ano sa — diretso salvage ganoon. Wala akong inutos na ganoon. Remember, in all of my utterances, ang galit ko ‘yan when I say, ‘Do not destroy my country, the Republic of the Philippines, who elected me as President. Do not destroy our sons and daughters because I will kill you.’ Sabi ko — hindi ko sinabi, ‘They impede, they will kill you.’ The military will… I said, ‘I will kill you,’” the said.

“Pero sabi ko, ito, ‘Go out and destroy the apparatus.’ Iyan. Pagka nagkabarilan diyan in destroying the apparatus, goodbye ka. Kaya sabi ko, ‘Ako, I take full responsibility for my order.’ ‘But remember,’ I said, ‘enforce the law in accordance with what you have learned then self-defense.’ Defense of ano ‘yan. Stranger kung kasama mo. In law it’s called a stranger, maski kilala mo. Defense of relative,” he also said.

‘Walk the talk’

Amid the outrage on Nuezca’s brutal act both Paniqui Police chief Rombaoa and PNP chief Police General Major Debold Sinas reminded their colleagues to observe “maximum tolerance.”

“Sa mga kasamahan po natin sa pulisya, dapat self-control kasi nga maximum tolerance tayo, tayo ang may armas. Kung merong umaagrabiyado sa atin merong right forum po riyan, pwede nating kasuhan, not to the point na gagamitin natin ang baril natin,” Rombaoa was quoted as saying.“Lagi nating tandaan ang ating sinumpaang tungkulin bilang tagapagpatupad ng batas. We should walk the talk in the PNP,” Sinas said. #

‘Aswang’ Documentary Review: Do Not Dare Look Away

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July 20, 2020/

By L.S. Mendizabal

Kodao Productions

Pumarito ka. Bahala ka, kukunin ka ng aswang diyan! (Come here, or else the aswang will get you!)” is a threat often directed at Filipino children by their mothers. In fact, you can’t be Filipino without having heard it at least once in your life. For as early as in childhood, we are taught to fear creatures we’ve only seen in nightmares triggered by bedtime stories told by our Lolas.

In Philippine folklore, an “aswang” is a shape-shifting monster that roams in the night to prey on people or animals for survival. They may take a human form during the day. The concept of “monster” was first introduced to us in the 16th century by the Spanish to demonize animist shamans, known as “babaylan” and “asog,” in order to persuade Filipino natives to abandon their “anitos” (nature, ancestor spirits) and convert to Roman Catholicism—a colonizing tactic that proved to be effective from Luzon to Northern Mindanao.

In the early 1950s, seeing that Filipinos continued to be superstitious, the Central Intelligence Agency weaponized folklore against the Hukbong Bayan Laban sa Hapon (Hukbalahap), an army of mostly local peasants who opposed US intervention in the country following our victory over the Japanese in World War II. The CIA trained the Philippine Army to butcher and puncture holes in the dead bodies of kidnapped Huk fighters to make them look like they were bitten and killed by an aswang. They would then pile these carcasses on the roadside where the townspeople could see them, spreading fear and terror in the countryside. Soon enough, people stopped sympathizing with and giving support to the Huks, frightened that the aswang might get them, too.

Fast forward to a post-Duterte Philippines wherein the sight of splayed corpses has become as common as of the huddled living bodies of beggars in the streets. Under the harsh, flickering streetlights, it’s difficult to tell the dead and the living apart. This is one of many disturbing images you may encounter in Alyx Ayn Arumpac’s Aswang. The documentary, which premiered online and streamed for free for a limited period last weekend, chronicles the first two years of President Rodrigo Duterte’s campaign on illegal drugs. “Oplan Tokhang” authorized the Philippine National Police to conduct a door-to-door manhunt of drug dealers and/or users. According to human rights groups, Tokhang has killed an estimated 30,000 Filipinos, most of whom were suspected small-time drug offenders without any actual charges filed against them. A pattern emerged of eerily identical police reports across cases: They were killed in a “neutralization” because they fought back (“nanlaban”) with a gun, which was the same rusty .38 caliber pistol repeatedly found along with packets of methamphetamine (“shabu”) near the bloodied corpses. When children and innocent people died during operations, PNP would call them “collateral damage.” Encouraged by Duterte himself, there were also vigilante killings too many to count. Some were gunned down by unidentified riding-in-tandem suspects, while some ended up as dead bodies wrapped in duct tape, maimed or accessorized with a piece of cardboard bearing the words, “Pusher ako, huwag tularan” (I’m a drug pusher, do not emulate). Almost all the dead casualties shared one thing in common: they were poor. Virtually no large-scale drug lord suffered the same fate they did.

And for a while, it was somehow tempting to call it “fate.” Filipinos were being desensitized to the sheer number of drug-related extrajudicial killings (a thousand a month, according to the film). “Nanlaban” jokes and memes circulated on Facebook and news of slain Tokhang victims were no longer news as their names and faces were reduced to figures in a death toll that saw no end.

As much as Aswang captures the real horrors and gore of the drug war, so has it shown effectively the abnormal “sense of normal” in the slums of Manila as residents deal with Tokhang on the daily. Fearing for their lives has become part of their routine along with making sure they have something to eat or slippers on their feet. This biting everyday reality is highlighted by Arumpac’s storytelling unlike that of any documentary I’ve ever seen. Outlined by poetic narration with an ominous tone that sounds like a legitimately hair-raising ghost story, Aswang transports the audience, whether they like it or not, from previously seeing Tokhang exclusively on the news to the actual scenes of the crime and funerals through the eyes of four main individuals: a nightcrawler photojournalist and dear family friend, Ciriaco Santiago III (“Brother Jun” to many), a funeral parlor operator, a street kid and an unnamed woman.

Along with other nightcrawlers, Bro. Jun waits for calls or texts alerting them of Tokhang killings all over Manila’s nooks and crannies. What sets him apart from the others, perhaps motivated by his mission as Redemptorist Brother, is that he speaks to the families of the murdered victims to not only obtain information but to comfort them. In fact, Bro. Jun rarely speaks throughout the film. Most of the time, he’s just listening, his brows furrowed with visible concern and empathy. It’s as if the bereaved are confessing to him not their own transgressions but those committed against them by the state. One particular scene that really struck me is when he consoles a middle-aged man whose brother was just killed not far from his house. “Kay Duterte ako pero mali ang ginawa nila sa kapatid ko” (I am for Duterte but what they did to my brother was wrong), he says to Bro. Jun in between sobs. Meanwhile, a mother tells the story of how her teenage son went out with friends and never came home. His corpse later surfaced in a mortuary. “Just because Duterte gave [cops] the right to kill, some of them take advantage because they know there won’t be consequences,” she angrily says in Filipino before wailing in pain while showing Bro. Jun photos of her son smiling in selfies and then laying pale and lifeless at the morgue.

The Eusebio Funeral Services is a setting in the film that becomes as familiar as the blood-soaked alleys of the city. Its operator is an old man who gives the impression of being seasoned in his profession. And yet, nothing has prepared him for the burden of accommodating at least five cadavers every night when he was used to only one to two a week. When asked where all the unclaimed bodies go, he casually answers, “mass burial.” We later find out at the local cemetery that “mass burial” is the stacking of corpses in tiny niches they designated for the nameless and kinless. Children pause in their games as they look on at this crude interment, after which a man seals the niche with hollow blocks and wet cement, ready to be smashed open again for the next occupant/s. At night, the same cemetery transforms into a shelter for the homeless whose blanketed bodies resemble those covered in cloth at Eusebio Funeral Services.

Tama na po, may exam pa ako bukas” (Please stop, I still have an exam tomorrow). 17-year-old high school student, Kian Delo Santos, pleaded for his life with these words before police shot him dead in a dark alley near his home. The documentary takes us to this very alley without the foreknowledge that the corpse we see on the screen is in fact Kian’s. At his wake, we meet Jomari, a little boy who looks not older than seven but talks like a grown man. He fondly recalls Kian as a kind friend, short of saying that there was no way he could’ve been involved in drugs. Jomari should know, his parents are both in jail for using and peddling drugs. At a very young age, he knows that the cops are the enemy and that he must run at the first sign of them. Coupled with this wisdom and prematurely heightened sense of self-preservation is Jomari’s innocence, glimpses of which we see when he’s thrilled to try on new clothes and when he plays with his friends. Children in the slums are innocent but not naïve. They play with wild abandon but their exchanges are riddled with expletives, drugs and violence. They even reenact a Tokhang scene where the cops beat up and shoot a victim.

Towards the end of the film, a woman whose face is hidden and identity kept private gives a brief interview where, like the children drawing monsters only they could see in horror movies, she sketches a prison cell she was held in behind a bookshelf. Her interview alternates with shots of the actual secret jail that was uncovered by the press in a police station in Tondo in 2017. “Naghuhugas lang po ako ng pinggan n’ung kinuha nila ‘ko!” (I was just washing the dishes when they took me!), screams one woman the very second the bookshelf is slid open like a door. Camera lights reveal the hidden cell to be no wider than a corridor with no window, light or ventilation. More than ten people are inside. They later tell the media that they were abducted and have been detained for a week without cases filed against them, let alone a police blotter. They slept in their own shit and urine, were tortured and electrocuted by the cops, and told that they’d only be released if they paid the PNP money ranging from 10 000 to 100 000 pesos. Instead of being freed that day, their papers are processed for their transfer to different jails.

Aswang is almost surreal in its depiction of social realities. It is spellbinding yet deeply disturbing in both content and form. Its extremely violent visuals and hopelessly bleak scenes are eclipsed by its more delicate moments: Bro. Jun praying quietly by his lonesome after a night of pursuing trails of blood, Jomari clapping his hands in joyful glee as he becomes the owner of a new pair of slippers, an old woman playing with her pet dog in an urban poor community, a huge rally where protesters demand justice for all the victims of EJKs and human rights violations, meaning that they were not forgotten. It’s also interesting to note that while the film covers events in a span of two years, the recounting of these incidents is not chronological as seen in Bro. Jun’s changing haircuts and in Jomari’s unchanging outfit from when he gets new slippers to when he’s found after months of going missing. Without naming people, places and even dates, with Arumpacletting the poor do most of the heavy lifting bysimply telling their stories on state terrorism and impunity in their own language, Aswang succeeds in demonstrating how Duterte’s war on drugs is, in reality, a genocide of the poor, elevating the film beyond numb reportage meant to merely inform the public to being a testament to the people’s struggle. The scattered sequence, riveting images, sinister music and writing that borrows elements from folklore and the horror genre make Aswang feel more like a dream than a documentary—a nightmare, to be precise. And then, a rude awakening. The film compels us to replay and review Oplan Tokhang by bringing the audience to a place of such intimate and troubling closeness with the dead and the living they had left behind.

Its unfiltered rawness makes Aswang a challenging yet crucial watch. Blogger and company CEO, Cecile Zamora, wrote on her Instagram stories that she only checked Aswang out since it was trending but that she gave up 23 minutes in because it depressed her, declaring the documentary “not worth her mental health” and discouraging her 52,000 followers from watching it, too. Naturally, her tone-deaf statements went viral on Twitter and in response to the backlash, she posted a photo of a Tokhang victim’s family with a caption that said she bought them a meal and gave them money as if this should exempt her from criticism and earn her an ally cookie, instead.

 Aswang is definitely not a film about privileged Filipinos like Zamora—who owns designer handbags and lives in a luxurious Ed Calma home—but this doesn’t make the documentary any less relevant or necessary for them to watch. Zamora missed the point entirely: Aswang is supposed to make her and the rest of us feel upset! It nails the purpose of art in comforting the disturbed and disturbing the comfortable. It establishes that the only aswang that exists is not a precolonial shaman or a shape-shifting monster, but fear itself—the fear that dwells within us that is currently aggravated and used by a fascist state to force us into quiet submission and apathy towards the most marginalized sectors of society.

Before the credits roll, the film verbalizes its call to action in the midst of the ongoing slaughter of the poor and psychological warfare by the Duterte regime:

“Kapag sinabi nilang may aswang, ang gusto talaga nilang sabihin ay, ‘Matakot ka.’ Itong lungsod na napiling tambakan ng katawan ay lalamunin ka, tulad ng kung paano nilalamon ng takot ang tatag. Pero meron pa ring hindi natatakot at nagagawang harapin ang halimaw. Dito nagsisimula.” (When they say there’s a monster, what they really want to say is “be afraid.” This city, chosen to be the dumpsite of the dead, will devour you as fear devours courage. But there are still those who are not afraid and are able to look the monster in the eye. This is where it begins).

During these times, when an unjust congressional vote recently shut down arguably the country’s largest multimedia network in an effort to stifle press freedom and when the Anti-Terrorism Law is now in effect, Aswang should be made more accessible to the masses because it truly is a must-see for every Filipino, and by “must-see,” I mean, “Don’t you dare look away.” #

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References:

Buan, L. (2020). “UN Report: Documents suggest PH Police Planted Guns in Drug War Ops”. Rappler. Retrieved from https://rappler.com/nation/united-nations-report-documents-suggest-philippine-police-planted-guns-drug-war-operations

Ichimura, A., & Severino, A. (2019). “How the CIA Used the Aswang to Win a War in the Philippines”. Esquire. Retrieved from https://www.esquiremag.ph/long-reads/features/cia-aswang-war-a00304-a2416-20191019-lfrm

Lim, B. C. (2015). “Queer Aswang Transmedia: Folklore as Camp”. Kritika Kultura, 24. Retrieved from https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3mj1k076

Tan, L. (2017). “Duterte Encourages Vigilante Killings, Tolerates Police Modus – Human Rights Watch”. CNN Philippines. Retrieved from https://cnnphilippines.com/news/2017/03/02/Duterte-PNP-war-on-drugs-Human-Rights-Watch.html

MIGRANTS FIGHT BACK! Filipino Migrants Fight Back Against US Imperialism under Trump

Migrante International stands with migrants and oppressed peoples around the world who must all confront the second presidency of Donald Trump. The resurgence of Trump’s fascist agenda is a serious threat to our peoples already struggling under worsening economic and political conditions. In the United States, Trump plans on waging large-scale racist crackdowns and attacks on migrants regardless of status. The rights of workers, women, the LGBTQ+, and oppressed peoples in the US are under grave peril. The incoming US government will be as unashamed as the current Biden administration in funding and arming the Zionist occupation in Palestine. In a vain attempt to cement declining American hegemony, the returning war criminal and fascist Trump will continue to carry out US militarist plans to breed more tension, crises, and wars in more countries around the world, including the Philippines.

Filipino migrants across the globe and their families back home face immense challenges under a second Trump presidency in the US. Cases of labor exploitation, illegal recruitment, and human trafficking of Filipino migrants in the US continue to pile up with no sign of justice nor protections from the US and Philippine governments. We continue to call for the release of Ligaya Jensen, Dhenmark Francisco, and Jovi Esperanza, Filipinos wrongfully detained by the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). With the backdrop of US economic stagnation, Trump and his anti-migrant agenda will make the lives of our community very difficult if we do not fight back together.

Among the first to congratulate and kowtow to Trump upon his electoral victory was none other than Philippine President Marcos Jr. In touting his continued puppetry as an “unshakeable alliance”, Marcos Jr. is signaling to the Filipino people that he has every intention to maintain America’s vice grip over our people. It does not matter to Marcos that OFWs are under threat of widespread crackdown and deportation. In compliance with US dictates that our country keeps exporting cheap Filipino labor for their profits, Marcos will continue to prioritize US interests over the people’s welfare so that America will keep him in power.

It is to the advantage of Trump that Marcos keeps the Philippine economy entangled with the US. Through America’s unequal economic, trade, and debt policies, millions of Filipinos are kept poor and unemployed. The imperialist Trump government will continue to coerce us to look for more stable livelihoods in countries like the US while scapegoating and attacking our communities for their economic decline. US domination strips Filipino migrants of dignities in every step of their sick cycle of forced migration.

Rather than protect our migrants, Philippine Ambassador to the US Jose Romualdez “advised” up to 309,000 undocumented Filipinos to deport themselves back to the homeland before American state forces get to them. In this respect, the Philippine government is cracking down on vulnerable OFWs on behalf of Trump and ICE. How can us migrants trust claims by the Philippine government that it is “ready to assist undocumented Filipinos” in the US? Through their consulates in the US, the same government is shutting OFW stakeholders out of any and all meetings on undocumented Filipinos. Now that overseas worker deployment is at 7,500 Filipinos per day, the Philippine government is doubling down on its mass export of cheap labor instead of providing us badly needed protections. Instead of calling for self-deportations, the Philippine government should provide all forms of social services to overseas Filipinos regardless of their documentation status.

Back home, a second Donald Trump presidency also spells worsening US militarism in the Philippines. In violation of our national sovereignty, the Philippines is once again rife with US military sites, war games, troop deployments, and heavy weapons placements. As he has done in his first term, the returning war criminal Trump will continue ramping up the presence and aggressive posturing of American military forces. We cannot stand idly as the US drags our homeland into their warmongering with China. Filipino migrants want to come home to a country that is truly independent and in peace, not a nation in ruins. We call on the Philippine government to end its American subservience and end the unequal treaties that give America license to turn our country into a battleground. Marcos must put an end to EDCA, VFA, and the so-called Mutual Defense Treaty.

In defiance of serious dangers from an openly anti-migrant and fascist US government, Migrante International and its member organizations in the US and around the world vow to keep waging brave struggles in defense of our fellow migrant workers and our homeland. We must dare to wage campaigns to unite our communities against US imperialism under Trump. Let us build deeper unities with exploited Filipinos at home and around the world towards our genuine alternative to migrant exploitation and neglect, racist crackdowns, and US domination. Together and towards our liberation, we can make Trump and his puppet Marcos pay for their oppression of our people.

Stop crackdowns on migrants!
No to EDCA! US troops, out now!
Imperyalismo, ibagsak!

BAYAN MUNA HK CONDEMNS COMELEC FOR VOTER DISENFRANCHISEMENT, PROTEST AT PCG

Bayan Muna HK firmly condemns the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) for its negligence in fulfilling the urgent need for comprehensive voter education. The partylist asserts that the Online Voting System (OVS) constitutes the worst form of disenfranchisement seen in this election cycle, as it poses significant barriers that could prevent many eligible voters from exercising their right to vote.

During a picket protest held at the Philippine Consulate General (PCG) on January 19, Bayan Muna HK expressed their outrage with COMELEC. Bayan Muna HK convenor Lai Besana stated, “”It is unacceptable that many voters are at risk of losing their right to vote due to a cumbersome process burdened by excessive requirements. We will not stand by while the 2025 election is jeopardized by this deliberate disenfranchisement.” She added that COMELEC’s blatant disregard for the importance of Filipino migrants’ votes appears to benefit political figures like Marcos and other traditional politicians who exert control over the commission.

Besana emphasized that the OVS requires voters to verify their email addresses and undergo a preparatory registration process for identification and biometric capture. Only by completing these steps can voters be assured that they can cast their votes. Furthermore, voters facing issues during the voting process must travel to the consulate to cast their votes, a situation reminiscent of the previous Overseas Employment Certificate (OEC) experience, which involved long queues and significant delays.

“The OVS imposes burdensome requirements that could prevent people from voting. This process will discourage voters, especially those who can only participate on weekends,” Besana warned.

“If COMELEC is truly committed to ensuring that we vote, they must prioritize informing voters about how the online voting system works,” asserted Besana. “We should not have to wait for issues to arise before action is taken.” Concerns have been raised regarding transparency in the voting process, particularly the absence of receipts confirming the candidate’s voters have selected—previously provided in earlier elections.

Adding to the concerns, Bayan Muna HK has noted that when citizens raise grievances, the government’s response often involves intimidation rather than solutions. Recent cases against progressive leaders and candidates highlight the intensified political harassment faced by those advocating for the people’s issues, especially as elections draw near.

“In light of these alarming developments, we must unite to demand that COMELEC address our legitimate concerns for a smoother voting process,” concluded Lai Besana.

KARAPATAN: REPEAL TERROR LAWS, DISMISS TRUMPED UP CHARGES VS DISSENTERS, DEV’T WORKERS

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Human rights alliance KARAPATAN deplored the Marcos Jr. administration’s increased political persecution of activists, dissenters and development workers through policies reportedly required by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), a global body that purportedly sets international standards to prevent money laundering and terrorist financing. The FATF is slated to have a meeting with Philippine government officials on January 20 to 21, 2025 in Manila. 

“Marcos Jr. uses the FATF’s prescriptions to justify the crackdown on political dissent as well as development and humanitarian work through the domestic terrorist financing and anti-terrorism laws. His administration’s wanton and arbitrary freezing of bank accounts of non-governmental and faith-based organizations, as well as filing of criminal charges against development and church workers, are among the factors that belie his claims of a better human rights situation under his watch,” said KARAPATAN secretary general Cristina Palabay. 

Marcos’ Project Exit Grey List sets quotas for cases filed using Republic Act No. 10168 or the Terrorism Financing Prevention and Suppression law as proof of its commitment to the FATF standards, in its bid to be removed from the task force’s grey list. Since the enactment of Republic Act No. 11479 or the Anti-Terrorism Act of 2020, there has been an uptick in the number of victims of the two terror laws, especially among church institutions and development NGOs. KARAPATAN documented at least 112 victims of the terror laws. 

The warrants of arrests issued against development workers of the Paghida-et sa Kauswagan Development Group (PDG) in Negros and the trumped-up cases filed against United Methodist Church pastors in Zamboanga Sibugay are the most recent incidents that KARAPATAN has monitored and documented. 

Meanwhile, NGOs such as the Leyte Center for Development (LCDe), Community Empowerment Resource Network (CERNET), and the Rural Missionaries of the Philippines, along with people’s organizations Cordillera People’s Alliance and Amihan National Federation of Peasant Women, continue to challenge the freezing of their bank accounts and the criminal cases filed against their members and leaders. 

“The FATF’s role in determining such standards and recommendations should likewise be questioned, especially since the said body is a creation of the G7, a bloc of imperialists led by the United States, that weaponizes political and economic policies in their wars of aggression against independent states and national liberation movements,” Palabay said. 

KARAPATAN reiterated its call for the repeal of the terror laws and the dismissal of the trumped-up charges using the said laws against dissenters and development workers.###

PROTESTS GREET SECOND TRUMP PRESIDENCY

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Bagong Alyansang Makabayan joins the American people and anti-imperialist forces in denouncing the second Donald Trump presidency for being the biggest threat to world peace, justice, and democracy.

Protests during Trump’s inauguration reflect global outrage against the genocidal legacy of Joe Biden and the continuation of the fascist and imperialist agenda under the new administration.

Trump’s presidency will generate stronger resistance amid the intensifying rivalry of global superpowers. Like Biden, Trump seeks to preserve and expand US hegemony by containing rivals like Russia and China. This will lead to more troop deployments in the Asia-Pacific and the building of US military outposts in countries like the Philippines. Trump is expected to reward corrupt allies like Ferdinand Marcos Jr in exchange of allowing the US to conduct provocative military drills, store weapons of mass destruction, and install bases across the country. Since 2022, Marcos Jr has maliciously collaborated with his American patrons to advance the geopolitical agenda of US imperialism.

Bayan is strongly opposed to US military expansionism and the active role of US forces in escalating conflict and war-mongering in the region. We call for the immediate expulsion of US troops and the removal of all US military facilities, and the cancellation of onerous military agreements with foreign powers. We should not allow unhinged fascists and war criminals like Trump to use the Philippines as a staging ground to unleash war hysteria and conflict in this part of the world. Trump’s ascendancy is a reminder about the importance of pursuing an independent foreign policy in asserting our national interest.

We enjoin all Filipinos to show solidarity with Americans resisting the anti-labor, anti-migrant, and anti-poor policies of the outgoing and incoming US government. We call for more localized protests against all US bases in the Philippines, and the rejection of US-led military exercises and operations across the country.

(Photo from Kodao Productions)

SIGN THE OPEN LETTER ON THE KILLING OF TWO YOUTHS BY PHILIPPINE MILITARY

The International Coalition of Human Rights in the Philippines (ICHRP) condemns the Philippine military for the killing of two youths in Uson, Masbate, Bicol Region on December 27, 2024. We extend our heartfelt condolences to the families. Click here to read our full statement on the killing.

Together with the Foundation for Filipino Children and Children’s Rehabilitation Center, we demand a thorough investigation on the shooting incident that led to the killing of the two youths, one of whom is a minor. The open letter will be delivered to Ms. Virginia Gamba, Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict.

Add your signature to our open letter to the United Nations Office for Children and Armed Conflict: ichrp.net/UNOpenLetter

IMA – EUROPE: UNITE FOR JUSTICE – STOP WAR, FUND PEOPLE

Statement by the International Migrants Alliance- Europe: Unite for Justice—Stop War, Fund People


The wars that the different imperialisms are carrying out in the world for a new geopolitical redistribution are forcing millions of people to flee. Europe has maintained a position of total servility towards the USA. On the other hand, the migratory policies in Europe, with the rise of the right wing in many European countries, have provoked an intensification of anti-immigrant policies.


The International Migrants Alliance- Europe(IMA) stands firmly against the Dutch government’s decision to terminate national funding for the Landelijke Vreemdelingenvoorziening (LVV). This shameful abandonment of undocumented migrants comes while taxpayer money continues to support the destructive proxy wars of the U.S. and NATO. These wars create the very displacement crises that force migrants to flee their homes.

A Call to Dutch Nationals and Local Communities: Stand with Migrants
We call upon Dutch nationals and local communities to join us in demanding a fundamental change in the priorities of the Dutch government. Instead of funneling billions of euros into wars that devastate countries, destabilize regions, and destroy lives, we demand those resources be redirected to housing, healthcare, and social support—not just for migrants, but for everyone living in the Netherlands.

The Dutch people are facing growing economic inequality, rising housing costs, and underfunded healthcare services. Meanwhile, public resources are being wasted on militarism and war, leaving both migrants and locals to shoulder the burden of government negligence. This is unacceptable.

War-Making Creates Undocumented and Refugees—End the Hypocrisy
The Dutch government plays a complicit role in global conflicts through its support of NATO’s imperialist ambitions.

These wars, fought for profit and power, force millions of people to flee their homes. Yet, the Netherlands responds not with solidarity, but with deportations, detention centers, and abandonment. This is a betrayal of human rights and international obligations.

To the Dutch government, we demand:

  1. Stop funding US-NATO’s wars. Redirect taxpayer money to housing, healthcare, and support systems for undocumented migrants, refugees, and Dutch nationals alike.
  2. End deportations and detention. Criminalizing undocumented migrants is cruel and unjust, especially when displacement is caused by wars and economic policies supported by the Netherlands.
  3. Provide long-term solutions. Invest in affordable housing, healthcare, and inclusive policies that uplift both locals and migrants.
  4. Address root causes of displacement. End militarism, exploitative trade policies, and environmental destruction that drive migration.
  5. Solidarity Across Borders
    The struggles of migrants and Dutch nationals are deeply connected. A government that prioritizes war over welfare fails us all. Migrants are not the enemy—our shared enemy is a system that values profit over people.
  6. We call on Dutch nationals to unite with migrants in rejecting war, inequality, and systemic exploitation. Together, we can demand accountability, justice, and a future where resources are invested in the people—not in imperialism.
  7. No more war. No more deportations. Housing, healthcare, and dignity for all.
  8. International Migrants Alliance – Europe