PinoyAbrod.net

NI FRANCIS GEALOGO
Bulatlat.com

Tuwing huling Lunes ng Agosto, ginugunita ng buong bayan ang Pambansang Araw ng mga Bayani. Iniuugnay ito hindi lamang sa Sigaw sa Pugadlawin, kundi sa pagdakila ng lahat ng mga bayaning nag alay ng buhay para sa Kalayaan ng bayan. Ang pagkilala sa araw na ito ang nagbibigay diin na bukod sa mga indibidwal, kailangang kilalanin din ang kolektibong kabayanihan ng maraming mga kababayang nagbigay hubog sa pagbubo ng bayan bilang malaya at nagsasarili.

Bagaman walang pambansang proklamasyon sa iisang pambansang bayani, sina Jose Rizal, Andres Bonifacio at Ninoy Aquino lamang ang mga indibidwal na bayaning mayroong pambansang araw ng kanilang indibidwal na pagkabayani. Ayon sa historyador na si Renato Constantino, ang mga Amerikano daw ang nagpanukala na gawing pambansang bayani si Rizal. Nasa interes daw ng mga Amerikano na gawing pambansang bayani si Rizal dahil hindi ito kasing rebolusyonaryo ni Bonifacio, hindi kasing radikal ni Mabini at namatay ito sa ilalim ng pamamahala ng mga Espanyol at hindi sa pakikipaglaban sa mga Amerikano.

Gayunpaman, maraming mga kababayan natin ang kumikilala na sa kabayanihan ni Rizal bago pa man dumating ang mga Amerikano. Sa ilang mga pagkakataon nga, dumating sa punto na ihayag ang kabanalan ni Rizal at gawin siyang Santo, kundi man isang Pilipinong Kristo. Hanggang ngayon, maraming mga grupong Rizalista ang naniniwala sa kabanalan ni Rizal bilang tagapagligtas ng mga Pilipino laban sa mga dayuhan at sa kahirapan ng mga mamamayan.

Kakaiba ito dahil sa maraming mga pag aaral, nabubuo ang kilusang makabayan sa panahon ng Kaliwanagan o Enlightenment. Nagiging sekular at hindi relihiyoso ang pag iisip ng mga tao kaya lumalayo na sa usapin ng kabanalan at espiritwalidad ang mga pamayanan na naglulunsad ng mga sekular at politikal na pagkilos gaya ng mga rebolusyon at rebelyong makabayan.

Hindi kaila na isa sa mga ilustrado si Rizal na nagsulong ng makabayang pananaw sa lipunang Pilipino. Maraming nagbasa ng kanyang mga nobelang Noli Me Tangere at El Filibusterismo bilang mga sulating bumabatikos sa pang aabuso ng mga prayleng relihiyoso sa Pilipinas. Sa kanyang mga sulatin, laging binabanggit ni Rizal ang kahalagahan ng edukasyon at damdaming sekular at makabayan bilang mga susi sa pagpapalaya ng bayan.

Sa kabilang banda, kahit ganito ang mga sulatin ni Rizal, hindi mapapasubalian na hindi relihiyon o paniniwala sa Dios ang pinupukulan niya ng kritisismo. Ang pang aabuso ng mga taong simbahan ang lagi niyang pinupuna at hindi ang simbahan mismo o ang paniniwala sa Lumikha. Kahit binansagan siyang erehe at pilibustero ng mga kolonyal na namamahala, ang tunay na pinupuna ni Rizal ay ang praylokrasya o ang pamamahalang lubos ng mga prayle sa kolonya. Ito ang kalimitang pagsusuri ng mga ilustrado gaya ni Rizal sa ugat ng hindi pag unlad ng Pilipinas sa ilalim ng mga Espanyol.

Gayunpaman ang mga akusasyon ng mga Espanyol kay Rizal, maraming mga mamamayan ng Pilipinas ang nagbigay ng malalim na pagtingin sa espiritwalidad ng mga gawa at kaisipan ng pambansang bayani. Sa mga pag aaral nina Reynaldo Ileto at Consolacion Alaras, may ilang mga Rizalista pa nga ang nagluklok sa kabanalan ni Rizal bilang simbolo ng pagkamakabayan at pagkarelihiyoso. Taliwas ito sa kaisipang nagiging sekular at hindi relihiyoso na ang kaisipan ng mga mamamayan kapag napupunta na sa usaping politikal at pagkamakabayan ang larangan.

Kahit na sa mga institusyonal na relihiyong ibinunga ng rebolusyon gaya ng Iglesia Filipina Independiente (higit na kilala bilang Simbahang Aglipay), malinaw din ang pag uugnayan ng politika sa relihiyon; ng pananampalataya at ng kampanyang makabayan; ng pagsamba at pakikibaka. Sa pamamgitan ng mga sulatin ni Gregorio Aglipay at Isabelo de los Reyes, halimbawa, ipinakita nila ang pangangailangang alalahanin ang kabayanihan ng mga pambansang bayani bilang kasama at hindi hiwalay sa pananampalataya.

Ang Novenario ng Birhen sa Balintawak ang isa sa mga tekstong pangrelihiyosong nabuo sa mga unang taon ng pagtatatag ng Iglesia Filipina Independiente o simbahang Aglipayano sa panahon ng pananakop ng mga Amerikano. Naging simbolo ito ng pananampalataya ng mga Pilipino sa panahong may panunupil sa ilalim ng bagong mananakop. Dahil sa bisa ng Batas Bandila (Flag Law) sa ilalim ng mga Amerikano, ipinagbawal ang pagwawagayway ng bandila ng Pilipinas, ang paggamit ng mga simbolong makabayan, at pati na ang pagbabasa ng mga tekstong makabayan sa publiko. Inikutan ng mga Aglipayano ang ganitong pagbabawal sa pamamagitan ng pagbabasa ng mga tekstong makabayan na nakapaloob sa mga misa at gawaing relihiyoso habang may paggiit ng paghihiwalay ng simbahan at estado.

Ilang mga nobenaryo, libro ng mga dasal, kahit mga kalendaryong relihiyoso at mga babasahin habang nagmimisa ang ginamit ng mga Aglipayano na patungkol sa mga sulatin nina Rizal, Bonifacio, Mabini, Jacinto at iba pang mga bayani. Hindi ito mapagbawalan ng mga Amerikano kahit may Batas Bandila dahil nakapaloob ito sa paggawa sa loob ng simbahan. Ito ang nagsilbing isa sa mga pinakatampok na pagkakaiba ng mga Aglipayano sa naunang simbahang Romano Katoliko sa mga unang dekada ng ikadalawampung dantaon. May isinasagawang pagwawagayway ng bandila at pag awit ng pambansang awit sa loob ng misang Aglipayano. Sa misang Aglipayano, kalimitang mararanasang nagbabasa ng mga sulating radikal at makabayan matapos ang pagbabasa ng mga bahagi ng Bibliya. Ang mga ideya ni Rizal ukol sa pagkamakabayan at pagkamamamayan ang isa sa mga tampok na tema at babasahin sa mga tekstong nabanggit. At higit sa lahat, naging popular na sulatin at babasahin ang mga makabayang interpretasyon ng kabayanihan nina Rizal, Mabini, Jacinto at Bonifacio, at iba pang mga bayani ang Novenario ng Birhen sa Balintawak. Sa lahat ng mga bayani, kalimitang ang mga sulatin ni Rizal ang nagiging tampok na bahagi ng mga librong pandasal at mga novenario.

Sa teksto ng Novenario, makikitang binabaybay muna ang kasaysayan ng Pilipinas at ang kalagayan ng pananakop ng mga dayuhan. Matapos nito, may pagpapaliwanag sa ilang mga kaganapan sa nakaraang naglilinaw sa ilang mga ideya ng bayaning kasama sa pagtalakay. Dalawa ang pinatutungkulan ng mga babasahin. Una, ang pagpula nito sa pananakop ng mga dayuhan ang kalimitang binibigyan ng diin. Ikalawa, nagbabahagi din ang mga novenariong Aglipayano ng paglilinaw sa mga usaping relihiyoso gaya ng di pagkakamali ng Papa, ng pang aabuso ng ilang mga taong simbahan at ang papel ng kaliwanagan o Enlightenment sa pananampalataya. Sa Novenario ng Birhen sa Balintawak, nasa ikapitong araw ng nobena ang pagtalakay sa ideya ni Rizal, na siyang binigyan ng elaborasyon nina Aglipay at delos Reyes.

Aglipay, Gregorio. Pagsisiyam sa Virgen sa Balintawak: Ang Virgen sa Balintawak ay ang Inang Bayan. Maynila: Rev. Isabelo de los Reyes at Lopez, 1925, 44-46.

Ikapitong Araw

Ika 20 Babasahin: Ang sinampalatayanan ni Rizal

Wika ni Dr. Rizal:”Hindi sa bulag na paniniwala, kungdi sa pangangatwiran at sa pangangailangan ay naniniwala akong matibay sa pagkakaroon ng Lumikha. Pinaniniwalaan kong siya’y may karunungang walang hanggang, makapangyarihan, mabuti (ang pagka alam ko sa walang hanggang ay di gaanong ganap at malabo), pagkakita sa kaniyang mga kahangahangang gawa, ang kaayusang naghahari sa kanila, ang kagandahan at kalawakan at ng kabutihang nagningingning sa lahat…Napangiti ako sa palagay ng mga teologo at filosofo ukol sa napakatayog at di maabot na Kumapal. Naniniwala ako sa mga pagtuturo ng Dios sa isip natin, ngunit hindi sa pagtuturo niya na umano’y iniingatan ng mga Pari. Sa pagsisiyasat na walang kinikilingan, ay hindi maaaring hindi makilala ng sino man sa lahat ng ito, ang kuku ng tao at ang tatak ng panahon nang iyo’y sulatin Naniniwala ako sa buhay na kasaysayan ng katalagahang nakaliligid sa atin sa lahat ng dako, sa tining na iyang makapangyarihan, walang hanggan, walang tigil, hindi masisira, malinaw, maliwanag at laganap sa daigdig na tulad ng Lumikhang pinanggalingan; diyan sa kasaysayang lagi nating kausap at kaulayaw mula sa ating pagsipot sa maliwanang hanggang sa ating kamatayan…Ano pang Biblia at ano pang Evangelio ang ibig ng katauhan? Sa halip na maglahad ng mga tadhanang malalabo na nagbubunga ng pagkamuhi, digmaan at pagtataniman, hindi baga mabuting ating sundin ang mga batas ng tadhana sa isang paraang ang ating buhay ay maiangkop natin sa mga batas na di mababali, at gamitin an gating mga lakas sa ating ikapagiging ganap? Inilagay ng Dios ang kaniyang mga tuntunin sa ating mga puso, sa budhi ng tao, ang pinakamabuti niyang tahanan, at dahil ditto ay sinasamba ko ng higit ang mabuting Dios na iyan, na siyang nagdulot sa atin ng bawat isa sa ating mga pangangailangan upang tayo’y makaligtas; na sa ati’y lagging bukas ang aklat ng kanyang aral, at ang kaniyang Pari ay na sa loob natin at walang tigil ng pangangaral sa tining n gating budhi. Dahil dito, ang pinakamabuting sinasampalatayanan ay ang lalong maiksi sa pananalita, ang lalong ayon sa katalagahan, ang lalong naaangkop sa pangangailangan at mga pangarap ng tao. (Ikaapat na sulat kay Jesuita Pastells).

Samakatwid, si Rizal ay di naniniwala sa Biblia at sinabi niyang di niya napigil ang tawa nang ipalagay na protestante siya ni Padre Pastells. Tunay ngang nakatatawa ang isipin man lamang na ang mga protestante ay tumatawa lamang at may matuwid, sa ipinapalagay na di pagkakamali ng Papa, at gayon ma’y may bulag na paniniwalang hindi nakgamali ang mga judio na sumulat ng Biblia, bagamat lalo pang mangmang kay sa Papa.

Ngunit itinatagubilin sa atin ni Rizal ang malabis na paggalang sa sinasampalatayanan ng isa’t isa, sapagkat isang tanda ng mabuting pinag-aralan ang matutong gumalang sa paniwala ng iba.
PANALANGIN: Oh Dios, Amang maibigin sa daigdig! Gawin mong pakinabangan namin ang maliliwanag na aral ng Apostol Rizal, na ibinigay mo sa aming maging Guro ng mga filipino, upang makilala ka namin at sumunod sa itinatagubilin ng aming sariling bait, at hindi sa mga kabalbalang itinuturo ng matatandang pari na pinaliliko, pinapapangit at pinaliliit ang iyong mahal na Kadakilaan. Ama namin, isabog mo ang iyong liwanag sa daigdig at sa pamamagitan ng liwanag ay maghahari ang katotohanan, ang kabutihan at ang pagkasulong. Siya nawa.

Sa paggunita ng kabayanihan ni Rizal, maaari ding gunitain ang imahe ni Rizal bilang guro, at sa ilang mga kabababayan, bilang apostol kundi man bilang banal na Pilipino. Ang paghuhugpungan ng relihiyoso sa sekular, ng kabanalan at kabayanihan, at ng pagkamakaDios at pagkamakabayan ang makabuluhang alalahanin sa araw ng mga bayani. Gaya ng ipinakita ng Novenario ng Birhen sa Balintawak, hindi katataka taka na sa logo ng Iglesia Filipina Independiente hanggang sa kasalukuyan, ang Scientia at Libertas – dalawang sekular na dalumat – ang kaagapay ng mga relihiyosong kaisipan ng Scripturae at Caritas. Ang Kapitasahan ng Birhen sa Balintawak sa mga Aglipayano, ang magpapatunay na ang himagsikan at kabayanihan ay maaaring maging salalayan ng pagdiriwang ng kapistahan; ng himagsikan bilang kapistahan.

Ref.
Alaras, Consolacion. 1988. Pamathalaan: Ang Pagbubukas ng Tipan ng Mahal na Ina. BAKAS. 1988.
Aglipay, Gregorio. Pagsisiyam sa Virgen sa Balintawak: Ang Virgen sa Balintawak ay ang Inang Bayan. Maynila: Rev. Isabelo de los Reyes at Lopez,
Constantino, Renato. 1970. Veneration Without Understanding. Malaya Books.
Ileto, Reynaldo. 1998. “Rizal and the Underside of Philippine History” nasa The Filipinos and Their Revolution. Ateneo de Manila University Press, 29-78.

The post BALIKSAYSAY | Si Jose Rizal at ang Novenario ng Birhen sa Balintawak appeared first on Bulatlat.

Workers have been infuriated by the callous treatment they’ve received in their workplaces. But many of them recognized that the most surefire way to get their employers to provide the protection they needed was through collective action.

By STEVEN GREENHOUSE
Dissent/Wire/Progressive International
Reposted by Bulatlat.com

In a society where corporations are relentlessly focused on maximizing profits and productivity, collective action is by far the most effective way for workers to get employers to address their pressing needs. Most corporate executives couldn’t care less whether their employees have a voice at work. It’s up to the nation’s workers to make their employers hear their voice—loud and clear.

In mid-March, someone asked me whether COVID-19 would spur a wave of unionization. My first reaction was no. How could workers possibly unionize when there was all this social distancing and people couldn’t even meet in groups? Moreover, I thought workers would be so cowed by the horrors of the pandemic that they wouldn’t give much thought to unionizing.

That response was short-sighted. I didn’t realize how furious many workers would become about the uncaring, even callous way their companies have treated them during this crisis—about the many employers that didn’t lift a finger to provide masks or hand sanitizer. Many of these irate workers recognized that the most surefire way to get their employers to provide the protection they needed was through collective action.

We’ve seen that kind of action from workers at Amazon, McDonald’s, Domino’s, Instacart, Perdue Farms, Whole Foods, and smaller grocery stores like MOM’s Organic Market in Philadelphia. Many workers have incorporated social distancing into their battles—standing six feet apart as they picketed their workplace, or using cars to block the drive-thru at their McDonald’s.

Many of these workers would no doubt vote to join a union tomorrow if they could (even though Trump’s anti-union National Labor Relations Board [NLRB] temporarily suspended all unionization elections in late March). But it remains very unclear whether all the coronavirus-inspired anger and activism will result in increased union membership. The overriding reason why it might not is an old one: when there are unionization elections in the United States, the playing field is tilted sharply in favor of corporations and against workers seeking to organize.

Kate Bronfenbrenner of Cornell University found in a study that companies often use intimidation tactics to thwart organizing drives. In her analysis, which looked at NLRB-supervised unionization elections between 1999 and 2003, 57 percent of companies threatened to close operations if workers voted to unionize, while 47 percent said they would cut wages or benefits. Bronfenbrenner also found that 34 percent illegally fired union supporters, 28 percent illegally attempted to infiltrate the union organizing committee, and 22 percent illegally used “bribes and special favors” to encourage workers to vote against the union. Another study of elections in 2016 and 2017 found that companies terminated nearly one in five rank-and-file workers who spearheaded unionization campaigns.

The federal judiciary’s conservative tilt makes unionization harder still. Not only do employers often require workers to hear anti-union consultants and watch anti-union videos, but they also have the right to prohibit union organizers from setting foot on company property, thanks to a 1992 Supreme Court ruling that exalted private property rights far above workers’ rights and concerns. Under that ruling, employers can even bar organizers from putting flyers on windshields in the employee parking lot.

During the pandemic, many employers remain as aggressive as ever in fighting unions. Amazon seems to have gone out of its way to signal that it won’t tolerate organizing efforts. The company fired Christian Smalls, who spearheaded a walkout by employees at its Staten Island warehouse who felt Amazon was doing far too little to protect them from the virus. Amazon also fired Bashir Mohamed, the lead worker-activist at a Minnesota warehouse, as well as two tech workers in Seattle who were outspoken climate campaigners and had criticized safety conditions at the warehouses. Whole Foods, an Amazon subsidiary, has created a heat map that uses twenty-five metrics, including diversity levels and the number of complaints about safety, to keep tabs on which of its stores are most at risk of union activity.

On March 31, the CEO of Trader Joe’s sent an anti-union letter to all employees, while a Trader Joe’s worker in Louisville said the company fired him for airing safety concerns about COVID-19 on his Facebook page. All that came after Google fired four worker leaders who were promoting collective action and after the tech darling, Kickstarter, suddenly dismissed several members of its union organizing committee. (Kickstarter said they were not terminated for backing a union.)

The outlook for unionizing isn’t all glum. The burst of coronavirus-related walkouts and sickouts comes after the biggest wave of strikes since the 1980s: the 2018–19 #RedforEd strikes, as well as major work stoppages at General Motors, Marriott, and Stop & Shop. The public approval rating for unions has climbed to nearly its highest level in fifty years. There has also been a surge of unionization among adjunct professors, grad students, digital and print journalists, museum workers, nurses, cannabis store workers, and nonprofit employees.

Another welcome development for labor is that this year’s crop of Democratic presidential candidates put forward the most ambitious plans to rebuild unions in decades, perhaps ending a long period in which the party took labor for granted. One Democratic candidate after another seemed to realize (or acted as if they just realized) that if wage stagnation is going to end, if income inequality is going to be reduced, if the Democrats are to win back Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, then it will be vital to strengthen the labor movement. It’s hard to know whether the presumptive nominee Joe Biden means what he says about fighting hard to rebuild unions; one sure thing is that workers would benefit from a Democratic majority on the NLRB, which comes with control of the White House.

In a video of a walkout at an Amazon warehouse in Chicago, one courageous worker said, “This is not about Amazonians being lazy. We want to work. We want to work in a clean facility. We want to work where it’s going to be safe and our kids are going to be safe and our families are going to be safe. How can we be essential workers when our lives are not essential?”

She expressed an essential point: in a society where corporations are relentlessly focused on maximizing profits and productivity, collective action is by far the most effective way for workers to get employers to address their pressing needs. Most corporate executives couldn’t care less whether their employees have a voice at work. It’s up to the nation’s workers to make their employers hear their voice—loud and clear. There is no more pressing time to do this than during a horrid pandemic, when many workers have died because their companies failed to take adequate safety precautions.

Steven Greenhouse was a New York Times reporter for thirty-one years, spending his last nineteen years there as its labor and workplace reporter. He is the author of Beaten Down, Worked Up: The Past, Present, and Future of American Labor.

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Reports from Samahan ng Mamamayang Nagkakaisa sa Sitio Buntog (SAMANA-Buntog) claim that Buntog is being “fenced off”, and goons are destroying farm plots they come across. “They’re even stealing fruits from our trees,” said Jojo de Leon, SAMANA-Buntog spokesperson, in a text message.

By JUSTIN UMALI
Bulatlat.com

SANTA ROSA, Laguna – Tensions are high in sitios Buntog and Bangyas, barangay Canlubang, Calamba, Laguna, as residents face the threat of eviction at the hands of armed private guards, August 24.
According to reports by the National Federation of Peasant Women (Amihan) and the Katipunan ng mga Samahang Magbubukid sa Timog Katagalugan (KASAMA-TK), armed goons with long rifles arrived on August 24 to attempt to displace the farmers in sitio Buntog.

As of press time, goons and guards employed by Hacienda Yulo are stationed outside sitio Buntog and are blocking access.

Sitio Buntog is part of Hacienda Yulo, a 7,100-hectare sugar estate in Laguna spanning three cities – Calamba, Cabuyao, and Santa Rosa. The hacienda was once owned by the Madrigal clan before it was acquired by Jose Yulo. The 200-hectare area comprising sitio Buntog is slated to become a residential subdivision.

According to KASAMA-TK, Hacienda Yulo was never covered by the Marcos-era Presidential Decree No. 27, or the Aquino-era Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program.

“This only shows that the land reform laws are rotten,” read a statement by the group. “Farmers can hardly expect that the land they’ve sacrificed sweat and blood will be returned to them, since these laws are riddled with exceptions. It favors the rich, who pay off DAR [Department of Agrarian Reform] and the courts in order to exempt their lands from reform.”

Threats by armed goons have escalated in the previous months despite an ongoing pandemic. Last July, guards equipped with riot shields attempted to evict residents but were forced into a stalemate.

Since then, guards have been spotted in the area, harassing residents. Residents in nearby sitios, like Matang Tubig, have also experienced threats of violence. In some cases, residents are being prohibited from taking videos and photos.

Reports from Samahan ng Mamamayang Nagkakaisa sa Sitio Buntog (SAMANA-Buntog) claim that Buntog is being “fenced off”, and goons are destroying farm plots they come across. “They’re even stealing fruits from our trees,” said Jojo de Leon, SAMANA-Buntog spokesperson, in a text message.

Peasants’ rights organizations are calling for support in defense of the farmers in Hacienda Yulo. “Peasant women should stand firm and assert their rights to land, even though they’re faced with various harassment and other rights abuses,” said Zenaida Soriano, AMIHAN National President.

KASAMA-TK is also calling on Calamba Mayor Marc Justin Chipeco, Laguna Governor Ramil Hernandez, and the Commission on Human Rights to intercede on the matter.

Storied history of landgrabbing

Families in Sitio Buntog have lived there a year after the 1910 Taal volcano eruption. Land disputes placed shifted the ownership of the land, then a 100 hectare plot of land, from the Madrigal clan to the American G. Milne.

As early as 1928, Milne began the process of converting the coconut, coffee, and rice being planted in the area to sugarcane, demolishing farms and houses in the process. Farmers were given the promise of relocation and reimbursement only to become workers in the sugarcane field and the azucarera, the nucleus of the Canlubang Sugar Estate.

The ownership of the land transferred to Jose Miguel Yulo in 1948. During the Second World War, Yulo collaborated with the Japanese as Chief Justice of the puppet regime. After the war, he was appointed as “caretaker” of the Milne estate and eventually, its owner.

Yulo managed to expand the hacienda from the original 100-hectare land title to its present size. The Yulo family’s marriage to the Aranetas, and Jose Yulo’s influential position in government allowed him to secure funds for massive land-grabbing projects.

During the Macapagal administration, Yulo farmers petitioned for a land title grant. Yulo managed to mobilize some farmers carrying placards stating that they did not want land reform, and presented it as evidence that the farmers had changed their minds.

The Yulo family has managed to evade subsequent efforts at land reform by waving their influence like a club. Today, chunks of Hacienda Yulo have been sold off to competing interests by Ayala Land, Lucio Tan’s Eton Properties, the Lopezes, and other owners.

In 2010, agents from the Yulo-owned Land Estate Development Corporation and San Cristobal Realty Corporation arrived to evict farmers to make way for residential housing. Dan Calvo, an architect who acted as spokesperson for the Yulos, led efforts to threaten the residents, resulting in the detention of 10 residents, including three minors.

Aside from Hacienda Yulo, the Yulo family also owns the Yulo King ranch, a nearly 40,000 hectare hacienda in Busuanga and Coron, Palawan, described by Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas as the “biggest agricultural anomaly of our country.”

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