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Arrested rebel a symbol of Marcos atrocities against women dissidents

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Aug 26, 2022, Inday Espina-Varona

Despite the extreme abuse undergone by Adora Faye De Vera, interviewers always describe her as calm and steadfast

Commission on Higher Education (CHED) chief Prospero De Vera III’s brief statement on the arrest of his older sister, Adora Faye, was silent on her torture and rape under the Marcos dictatorship.

Her brother’s curt message following her arrest, announced on Thursday, August 25, ended with, “I fully support the administration of President Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ Marcos in its efforts to end the communist insurgency that has destroyed so many lives and properties.”

It said nothing about the sustained campaign of their parents, family and friends to demand the release of Adora when the military arrested her in 1976. 

The military hid Adora Faye for half a year in military safehouses. They tortured and repeatedly raped her.

She survived only because she made the painful decision to limit the abuse via the “protection” forced on her by the officer in charge of the unit, according to a report by Gloria Esguerra Melencio for the Martial Law Files website, a joint project of the Philippine government, the Commission on Human Rights (CHR), and the United Nations Development Program, and Claimants 1081, Inc. – a group of human rights victims who got compensation for the Marcos-era atrocities.

Survival

Melencio told Rappler she interviewed Adora Faye, who was also called Dong, in 1998 for her undergraduate thesis on dissident women artists, including veterans of the earlier Hukbalahap insurgency.

By that time, Adora Faye had been released from her second incarceration in 1983, said Melencio.

“She had been wounded in an ambush, in her leg, and they brought her to V Luna, the military hospital in Quezon City to extract information,” the writer told Rappler.

The article delves into her 1976 arrest.

Melencio wrote: “Together with Rolando Morallos and Flora Coronacion, she was abducted and brought to a safe house, an old building that ‘looks like a beer house”, by the combined ununiformed forces of Military Intelligence Security Group, Constabulary Security Unit and 231st PC Company in Quezon province on 1 October 1976.

“Some 20 men stripped them naked, commanded them to run in circles, humiliated and interrogated them. The military  asked Rolando to masturbate in front of Dong, which he refused. He was mauled and his genitals battered with a whip while the men laughed.” 

Eleven soldiers and three civilians raped Dong and Flora continuously and forced them to remain naked for days.

One day, Dong woke up missing Rolando and Flora.

“They are now included in the long list of missing persons called desaparecidos or disappeared,” said Melencio.

Adora Faye’s December 1977 testimony to a domestic human rights group, passed on to Amnesty International, notes that she also never found her first husband, who also remains on the desaparecido list.

A copy of a 1983 Journal report in the #rememberML@40 page on Facebook acknowledged that Rolando and Flora were among “the disappeared”.

Grit

Released for a second time, Adora Faye took to legal activism and that’s when Melencio interviewed her.

“At that time ang paa nya puputulin na because of gangrene.”  (She was suffering from gangrene and doctors told her they may have to amputate her leg.) 

“She was fighting to save that, and had planned to go to Japan for extensive acupuncture treatment,” Melencio recalled.

“I don’t know what happened after that,” the writer added. “I kept the documentation for many years and told her during our interview that I would write about her after completing the thesis.”

Like many dissident mothers, Adora had to entrust her sons to relatives.

She told Melencio about the frequent tape recorded messages she sent home to a sister who served as guardian, in an effort to “have my son remember me”. 

“All the while, she thought her son would know her, even just by voice. But at the hospital, she was surprised when her child called her “tita” (aunt),” the writer said.

“However, when I interviewed her, she was with her son, so they must have reunited as a family,” Melencio added, finding the chance with the CHR project.

A tweet by activist @BienSays shows an interview of Adora Faye recounting her ordeal and a narration that said her first arrest was actually a brief stint right after the declaration of Martial Law, for posting anti-government posters. The video shows her on a wheelchair, smiling, with two boys flanking her.

The tweet credits the video to a Cultural Center of the Philippines post on arthouse cinema films about martial law, but a check by Rappler showed it was no longer available.

A source from Panay island, who asked to remain anonymous, said Adora Faye walked with a pronounced limp.

“For many years, she was always on the order of battle of the military but not during the last five years,” added the source.

“Maybe she had retired. We heard she was suffering a lingering ailment linked to the torture and rape she experienced during the Marcos years, the source said.

Inspiration

But Adora, 68, is more than just a victim of brutality during martial law.  

Human rights workers, feminists, and progressive artists also recognize the grit and steel behind the brokenness of a woman forced to survive the depravities of Marcos’ henchmen.

“This frail wisp of a woman has undergone extreme pain and anguish beyond any human being can imagine, yet she remains calm and steadfast. I promised her I would be writing her story and kept the documentation for many years. Now I have fulfilled that promise,” said Melencio in notes to her article.

Her poetry and life, and the works of other artists inspired by her life, are studied in the University of the Philippines in Women’s Studies classes. 

Melencio shared one of Adora Faye’s poems, “Sabi niya, Siya raw ay aking Ina” (She said she was my mother), told from the point of view of a young boy, who could not recognize his mother, who tells him she will be brought to prison after release from hospital.

He shies away from her embrace, giving the excuse of not wanting to add to her injury. But he smiles and waves as he leaves, “Pagka’t gusto kong mawala ang namumuong luha/ Sa gilid ng mata/ Ng babaeng maputla/ Na nagsasabing/ Siya’y aking ina.”

(Because I wanted to stop the tears building on the sides of the eyes of this frail woman who says she’s is my mother.)

Rodolfo Vera’s harrowing play, “Indigo Child” gives a nod to the alleged  rebel leader in its depiction of how torture scars can linger for decades, and how women fighting dictatorship can pay an especially high price for that struggle.

Vera told Rappler the second-place Palanca winner was fiction, in the sense that the female lead is depicted as wanting to forget the past that haunts her and is the cause of severe mental health problems. A former activist tipped him off about Adora Faye.

“I never met her, but her story inspired me. She did not lose her memory as far as I know, and probably only changed names for security reasons, but the rape and torture she suffered are documented,” he told Rappler.

The plot involves the son of Felisa, struggling with scars of a childhood sans a mother, coming to terms with his pain as she undergoes electroconvulsive therapy.

“Felisa reveals that her child’s father is her military rapist. That’s fiction. But I found a way to honor Adora,” the playwright said.

It is in the last line, where son Jerome confronts his ill father, wheelchair bound and suffering from diabetes-induced gangrene, and with barely any memory of the woman he abused. 

“Lagi mong tandaan ang pangalan nya, hanggang mamatay ka… siya si Adora.” (Always remember her name until you die… she is Adora.)

Struggle

Activist Judy Taguiwalo describes Adora Faye as “a very talented poet whose poems deal with women’s oppression, state violence against women and the power of collective action.”

The poetry discussed in Taguiwalo’s class is “Anino ng Magsasaka”, from Bigkis: Mga Piling Akda, Gantimpalang Ani 1987-1991, published by Gapas Foundation Inc. and Philippine Peasant Institute in 1994.

‘Pinangulila ba ng langaylangayan

Yaong paglalaho ng langitngit-duyan,

Mga palupalo, palayok, kawali,

Tinig na umawit ng mga uyayi?

Sino ang umako sa mga gawain

Ni Tano nang bundok ay kanyang akyatin?

Sino’ng nagpatuloy maghasik ng butil

Matapos mapaslang si Pedro Pilapil?

The poem takes off from beloved activist anthems sung during and after martial law, and even today. Tano is a peasant who breaks after a series of injustice and takes to the hills. Pedro Pilapil is a farmer whose small piece of land is stolen by a rich, powerful man.

The poem talks of women taking up the struggle, facing authorities to save their men, organizing communities, even as they continue to serve spouses and children, and pound rice grains, weave baskets, and take care of the family’s animals. – Rappler.com

Religious group: Terror financing charge ‘part of worsening state repression’ vs rights defenders

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Aug 18, 2022, Jodesz Gavilan

The Rural Missionaries of the Philippines says the continued state harassment and attacks have already weakened its capacity to help poor communities

MANILA, Philippines – The Rural Missionaries of the Philippines (RMP) on Thursday, August 18, denounced the charges filed by the Department of Justice (DOJ) which accused them of allegedly providing funds to the Communist Party of the Philippines-New People’s Army (CPP-NPA).

In a statement, the religious group tagged the latest move by the DOJ as “Marcosian” and said it is part of the “worsening state repression against human rights defenders” in the country, which has affected the group’s ability to carry out their work.

“Why is the government – especially from [Rodrigo] Duterte to [Ferdinand Marcos Jr.] – hellbent in using all resources at its disposal to shut down the [RMP] for good?” it asked.

“The Marcos [Jr.] government is using the same playbook by predecessor Duterte by demonizing legal democratic organizations such as RMP which provide much-needed services to the people and putting its members in direct harm’s way,” the group added.

The DOJ on Monday, August 15, charged at least 16 people, including nuns, affiliated with the RMP for allegedly violating Section 8(ii) of Republic Act 10168 or the anti-terrorism financing act, which penalizes individuals found to have made “available any property or funds, or financial services or other related services” to an individual or group designated as a terrorist by the government.

The DOJ alleged that the religious group wired a portion of funding it received from foreign organizations to the CPP-NPA, based on a probe by the Anti-Money Laundering Council (AMLC) and testimonies of people who claimed to be former communist insurgents.

RMP, however, emphasized that all of its projects are “well-documented, reported and accounted for,” and that it has consistently complied with requirements in securing funding for projects, including audits.

The terror financing charge is the latest in a series of challenges faced by the 53-year-old RMP, a non-profit organization run primarily by nuns and other lay people involved in grassroots work with rural poor communities.

Its website was blocked in June 2022 upon the orders of then-national security adviser Hermogenes Esperon Jr., while several bank accounts have been frozen by AMLC over the years.

RMP on Thursday said the continued harassment from the state already “negatively affected” its work in various marginalized sectors, including peasants, indigenous peoples, and other members of rural poor communities.

“RMP’s mission work has been seriously hampered because of the relentless state attacks, depriving much-needed services to the poor,” the group said.

“With this latest state attack, Marcos [Jr.] is showing he is, after all, true to his core as the dictator’s son,” RMP added.

RMP has not been designated as a terrorist group by any court in the country, nor by the anti-terrorism council under the anti-terror law – unlike the CPP-NPA that was tagged as one in 2020.

– Rappler.com

Kian delos Santos’ body exhumed 5 years after death

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Aug 15, 2022 1:16 PM PHT

Jairo Bolledo

Kian’s remains will be reexamined by forensic expert Raquel Fortun to determine how he was killed

MANILA, Philippines – Randy delos Santos has witnessed drug war victims being exhumed from their resting place. This is not new for him because he is part of St. Arnold Janssen Kalinga Center, which helps families of drug war victims exhume the remains of their loved ones.

But August 15 was different for Randy – he exhumed his own blood relative, his nephew Kian delos Santos. The exhumation of Kian’s remains came a day short of the fifth year of his death.

Rodrigo Duterte has stepped down from office, but the intensity of his drug war can still be felt by the families left behind by the victims. The victims’ final resting place is not final at all – some of the killed are evicted from their graves once they have occupied the tombs for five years.

In public cemeteries, the lease usually lasts for five years only. If the family fails to renew the lease, the remains of their loved ones are transferred to a mass grave.

EXHUMATION. A worker holds the tombstone of Kian delos Santos moments after the latter’s remains were exhumed. Jairo Bolledo/ Rappler

On Monday, Randy and his family, including Kian’s siblings, went to La Loma Cemetery in Caloocan City to retrieve Kian’s remains. Before his tomb was opened and his remains were pulled out, Father Flavie Villanueva of the AJ Kalinga Center blessed Kian’s remains.

Kian’s body will be transferred in another gravesite in the same cemetery, according to his uncle, Randy.

A student at that time, 17-year-old Kian was helplessly killed by cops in a dark alley near his house on August 16, 2017. Surveillance videos from closed circuit television in the area, along with eyewitness accounts, revealed that the minor was dragged by cops in the alleys and then into a corner, where he was shot. (READ: TIMELINE: Seeking justice for Kian delos Santos)

The court found Police Officer III Arnel Oares, PO1 Jeremias Pereda, and PO1 Jerwin Cruz guilty of killing the 17-year-old. The court also found the three had lied about the circumstances of the boy’s death.

Five years had passed, but for Randy, his nephew should still be remembered because Kian became the face of extrajudicial killings.

Siguro siya ‘yong naging mukha, ‘no? Alam naman nating lahat na siya ‘yong naging mukha at siya ‘yong sumampal sa mukha nating lahat. At nagpatanggap na sobra na ‘yong patayan eh. Libo-libo na ‘yong mga namamatay. Siguro, sa pamamagitan ng kanyang kuwento, tinanggap ng lahat na merong extrajudicial killings,” Randy told reporters.

(I think it’s because he has become the face, right? We all know that he became the face [of the drug war] that awakened all of us. He helped us realize that killings had been too much. Thousands have already died. Maybe, through his story, everyone accepted that extrajudicial killings did exist.)

Despite the cops’ conviction, Randy still believes that justice remains elusive for drug war victims.

Bakit si Kian lang? Anim na taon na. Kung nagtatrabaho at talagang hinahanap ang hustisya, sana nadagdagan na.” (Why only Kian? It has been six years. If they are really working and seeking for justice, the number should have increased.)

Saving victims’ remains

Project Arise, led by Villanueva, aims to save the remains of drug war victims – including Kian’s. The project started in May 2021, and as of August 2022, they were able to exhume more or less 60 remains of drug war victims.

Villanueva pooled in funds to help the families. He helps the families because some of them are unaware of the exhumations, while some just let them happen because of poverty.

Forensic expert Dr. Raquel Fortun also helps the families of drug war victims by probing into the victims’ death. Her probe is connected to Villanueva’s exhumation efforts. After bodies are exhumed, Fortun reexamines the remains – and then the bodies are cremated.

BLESSINGS. Fr. Flavie Villanueva of Project Arise blesses the tomb of Kian delos Santos. Jairo Bolledo/Rappler

In her probe, Fortun has so far found out that some drug war victims who were declared to have died of natural causes in their death certificates, were actually homicide victims.

According to Villanueva, Kian’s remains would be reexamined by Fortun to unearth the “deeper truth” about Kian’s death.

“We hope to uncover deeper truth. We want to uncover what took place and as what we have revealed in the past, pahintulutan nating magsalita ‘yong mga kalansay na nanahimik nang ilang taon (let us allow the skeletons, which remained silent for years, to speak),” Villanueva told reporters.

He added that they would conduct a more thorough reexamination: “Alam nating na-autopsy pero I think ‘yong autopsy ay ginawa lang sa bahay. Ngayon ay mas masusi nating titingnan kung ano at paano sa larangan ng siyensiya makikita ang pagpaslang sa kanya.”

(We all know that he had already undergone an autopsy, but I think the autopsy was only done in the house. Now, we will investigate further, to see, through science, how he was killed.) – Rappler.com

‘Thought control’: Books in Filipino fall victims to terror law’s folly

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By: Kurt Dela Peña – Content Researcher Writer / @inquirerdotnet

INQUIRER.net /August 15, 2022

MANILA, Philippines—When the Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) was still a bill, the National Union of People’s Lawyers (NUPL) said there’s a danger with how the government can construe legitimate dissent within the “overbroad” definition of terrorism.

The NUPL had said: “The bill contains imprecise and poorly worded provisions on the definition of ‘terrorist act’ as it seeks to criminalize threats to commit, planning to commit, conspiring and prosing […] the vague concept of ‘terrorist acts.’”

“The danger therein lies with how the government can construe legitimate acts of dissent or opposition within these definitions—it gives the government almost free rein in determining who are suspected terrorists,” it said.

But despite the strong opposition, the bill, which was considered a setback for human rights, was still signed in July 2020 by then President Rodrigo Duterte, with Malacañang saying that the law reflects a serious commitment to fight terrorism, a global problem.

While petitions were filed to challenge its constitutionality, the Supreme Court (SC) decided to uphold most of the law, saying that the motions for reconsideration were denied with finality last April.

The SC decision meant that Filipinos will have to live with the controversial law, which was criticized by human rights groups for its provisions that could be used to silence legitimate dissent.

The government had said that the law passed through intense deliberations to make certain that it will not infringe on people’s rights, but rather defend their rights to life, liberty and property as well as the freedom from fear.

But last Aug. 9, a memorandum was issued by the Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino (KWF) to call on its personnel to stop the publication and distribution of five books that it deemed “subversive” for promoting “anti-government ideologies.”

The memorandum, which was signed by commissioners Carmelita Abdurahman and Benjamin Mendillo, cited Section 9 of the ATA—“inciting to commit terrorism”—as basis to cease the publication and distribution of the books.

NUPL president Edre Olalia told INQUIRER.net that the KWF’s move cemented the concerns expressed against the ATA—that the law is “overbroad” and could be used to silence dissent.

He said “we had well-grounded and reasonable fear[s] then and we have growing examples all around us now that this is going to be so.”

Subversive books?

The books, which Abdurahman and Mendillo considered “subversive” are these:

  • Malou Jacob’s “Teatro Politikal Dos”
  • Rommel Rodriguez’s “Kalatas: Mga Kuwentong Bayan at Kuwentong Buhay”
  • Dexter Cayanes’ “Tawid-diwa sa Pananagisag ni Bienvenido Lumbera: Ang Bayan, ang Manunulat, at ang Magasing Sagisag sa Imahinatibong Yugto ng Batas Militar 1975-1979”
  • Don Pagusara’s “May Hadlang ang Umaga”
  • Reuel Aguila’s “Labas: Mga Palabas sa Labas ng Sentro”

Some of the books—Teatro Politikal Dos, Kalatas and May Hadlang ang Umaga—had already been published by the commission and featured in the “KWF Publikasyon Paglulunsad 2022” last April 29.

Mendillo, the commissioner for KWF administration and finance, said: “Right now, we are stopping the books with subversive texts. We will see, moving forward, the instructions of [the] director general of the commission.”

“NTF-Elcac (National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict) is not yet in the picture, but on our own, we have reviewed the text and we have found evidence, explicit idealism, ideology, CPP-NPA taglines,” he said.

The KWF memorandum ordered one of its units, the Sentro ng Wika at Kultura (SWK), to stop printing the books that contained “political, subversive and creative literary works with subliminal ideologies that encourage to fight the government.”

Killing critical thinking

Human rights group Karapatan secretary general Cristina Palabay said the move “den[ies] the public with much-needed literature and materials encouraging critical thinking and knowledge on Filipino history and language.”

She said the memorandum issued within the KWF “sets a dangerous precedent in the exercise of academic freedom and the promotion of creative and scholarly work,” adding that the move was “shameless and idiotic.”

Last year, some “subversive” books were also removed from the libraries of state universities—Kalinga State University, Isabela State University and Aklan State University.

It was then a bid to remove all books, research work or any reading material that has reference to communism, socialism or communist rebels who have been waging a guerrilla war for more than 50 years now.

The premise, especially by the military, was that books with socialist or communist content poison the minds of the youth into rebelling against the government, never mind the root causes of rebellion, like poverty.

Elvira Lapuz, librarian of the University of the Philippines Diliman, had said that getting rid of reading materials as part of the government’s war on insurgency disregards critical thinking and literacy.

Some of the books that were removed from the libraries of the said state universities were these:

  • Building People’s Power
  • Defeating Revisionism, Reformism, and Opportunism
  • Crisis Generates Resistance
  • Building Strength through Struggle
  • Continuing the Struggle for Liberation
  • Louie Jalandoni, Revolutionary: An Illustrated Biography
  • Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law
  • Declaration of Undertaking to Apply the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and Protocol I of 1977
  • People’s Struggle Against Imperialism, Plunder and Wars
  • The Declaration and Program of Action for the Rights, Protection and Welfare of Children
  • The GRP–NDFP Peace Negotiations Major Written Arguments and Joint Statements for September 1980 to June 2018
  • NDFP Adherence to International Humanitarian Law: Letters to the International Committee of the Red Cross and the UN Secretary General
  • NDFP Adherence to International Humanitarian Law: On Prisoners of War
  • The NDFP Reciprocal Worrying Committee Perspectives on Social and Economic Reforms

“It shows how little faith we have in our youth,” she had told INQUIRER.net. “It clearly says that we do not trust them at all to be conscious, aware and critical of the materials they have or have been given access to.”

Is it legal to ban books?

The KWF told SWK directors that the books should not be distributed so that “we would not be accountable to Republic Act No. 11479, particularly Section 9 on inciting to commit to terrorism.”

Section 9 of the ATA states that “any person who, without taking any direct part in the commission of terrorism, shall incite others to the execution of any of the acts specified in Section 4 hereof by means of speeches, proclamations, writings, emblems, banners or other representations tending to the same end, shall suffer the penalty of imprisonment of 12 years.”

But Olalia stressed that there’s no law that provides a legal basis to label books as subversive. During the administration of the late Fidel V. Ramos, the anti-subversion law was repealed, opening up avenues for unarmed and parliamentary struggles for government critics, especially the Left.

He said “[there’s] none that I know of” because the Anti-Subversion Act has been repealed in 1992 by Ramos. He said, however, that the law only refers to membership in so-called “subversive organizations.”

Likewise, Olalia said that one presidential decree, which was issued by the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr., is inapplicable as it refers to illegal possession of “subversive” materials or publications.

He said: “The closest would be the crime of sedition and related crimes of seditious publications. But no legal animal as ‘subversive’ publications.”

Beyond KWF’s mandate

Albay Rep. Edcel Lagman said the KWF order to ban “subversive” books in schools and public libraries was an attempt at “thought control” and a violation of freedom of expression.

Lagman explained that the KWF, as created by Republic Act No. 7104, or the Commission on Filipino Language Act, has “no power whatsoever to ban and censor written works in Filipino.”

He stressed that the KWF is “not an adjunct of the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict” nor an “extension of the Anti-Terrorism Council.”

“The action of the KWF of banning the subject books for purportedly violating Section 9 of RA 1147, or inciting to commit terrorism, is an unwarranted sanction by an unauthorized agency without trial and due process,” he said.

Lagman, who vowed to push a House investigation of the KWF memorandum, slammed the directive as “patent thought control and unmitigated censorship” and that “the memorandum is an outlaw, which must be slain on sight.”

“Memorandum No. 2022-0663 dated Aug. 9, 2022 of the KWF banning five books in Filipino as ‘subversive’ is a liquidation of the freedom of expression, which is enshrined and protected by the Bill of Rights,” he said.

Cybeattacks:Black hat SEO operators sabotage PH news sites with toxic backlinks

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Aug 8, 2022, PHT, Gemma B. Mendoza

EXCLUSIVE: Spammy domains have been attacking news websites with toxic backlinks since late 2021. A possible motive: to get these sites downranked in search results.

MANILA, Philippines – Ahead of the May 2022 elections, Rappler and a number of other Philippine news websites found themselves at the receiving end of heightened distributed denial of service (DDoS) attacks.

A number of newsrooms, including ABS-CBN news, GMA News, Rappler, Philstar, Vera Files, Altermidya, Bulatlat, CNN Philippines, were affected by the attacks. At their peak, newsrooms struggled to keep their websites up while readers trying to access the sites affected were being served 403 or 404 error messages.

This was not the first time media organizations in the Philippines were targeted. Prior to the DDoS attacks, newsrooms and journalists were subjected to vilification campaigns on social media by pro-Duterte administration social media influencers and social media propaganda channels.

To unmask the attackers, we worked with Sweden-based digital forensics nonprofit Qurium Media to investigate data from the floods to Rappler, ABS-CBN, and Vera Files. Qurium found that one of the methods used by the botnet – the network of devices used to launch the cyberattacks – included tapping several thousands of domains classified as “referrer spam.”

Referrer spam is a black hat digital marketing technique that involves flooding a website with fake visits coming from fake referrer URLs so they would appear in the traffic logs of the target site.

CYBERATTACK. This was the error message that users of Rappler and other news websites were seeing while the sites were under heavy attack.

The goal of spammers, according to industry insiders, is to get the attention of webmasters and prod them to click on the URLs in their analytics dashboard.

This is abusive behavior as it slows down the target site and takes up resources without really resulting in pageviews. On a massive scale, and depending on how robust the hosting system of the target site is, this could cause websites to go down. This happened in the case of the newsrooms affected by the DDoS attacks.

More importantly, this further deprives the public of verified and valuable information, which is already being buried by memes and fake news. One of the incidents of these cyberattacks was staged while media groups were busy covering the impact of Typhoon Odette in the Visayas. Another attack was launched in the middle of a presidential debate.

New attacks

The DDoS attacks on Rappler and most of the news sites have since died down. Our tech team managed to implement a host of mitigating measures to stop the botnets from crippling us. We also published stories exposing potential actors behind the attacks. 

But it’s wishful thinking to believe they have stopped planning for the next round of attacks.

In late July, while investigating a sudden drop in traffic coming from search results, Rappler uncovered thousands of backlinks from what was flagged by a search monitoring tool as “toxic domains.” These are websites built through automated link-building schemes, often of poor quality and with very little content.

The tool found over 1,300 of these referring domains, which have very high toxicity scores, to have been barraging the site with a “suspicious number of backlinks.”

WARNING SIGNS. Alert notices on the dashboard of a search monitoring tool, informing news site webmasters of new toxic domains and domains sending in suspicious numbers of backlinks.
Impact of negative SEO

Getting linked to is desired by website owners. In fact, news websites – because they usually regularly produce updated unique, credible, and informative content – rank well in search results because they naturally get a lot of backlinks.

But numerous links coming from toxic, spammy sites is a different story. Left unchecked, this could bring down traffic to those targeted or affected sites.

This is double-whammy for news websites already struggling from loss of traffic from Facebook, which has steadily deprioritized news pages on its news feed over the past years.

News websites affected

The bulk of the backlinks to the news websites examined were from low-authority sites. This is not necessarily bad as some newly-created sites might only be starting to gain authority and quality backlinks.

What is alarming are indicators that a substantial number of backlinks are from potential spam sites.

An initial scan of backlinks to other Philippine news websites revealed that Rappler is not the only one being targeted by link spammers. Signs of potential spam attacks were found with respect to linkbacks to the websites of ABS-CBN News, Philstar, and Vera Files.

In the case of Rappler, the tool further uncovered 64,295 domains which could be potentially linked to one another through the same IP addresses, same Google Analytics IDs, same Adsense IDs, same url paths, same page title domains, multiple same root subdomains, or mirror pages. Backlinks with these markers, according to the tool, can signal link networks. It further said this could also be a sign of a spam attack.

In all, these potential spammy domains have created 400,351 backlinks that targeted Rappler.

POTENTIAL SPAM ATTACK. Screenshots from the dashboard of a search optimization audit tool alerts of potential link networks with backlinks to news websites. The tool says this could be a sign of a spam attack.

Of these domains, 50,452, accounting for a total of 221,067 backlinks to Rappler, have very low authority scores. A further 2,170 domains of these domains, accounting for a total of 10,676 backlinks, have very high toxicity scores.

In the case of Philstar, 52,558 domains accounting for a total of 357,889 backlinks bear the markers of potential link networks. Of these, 38,593 domains accounting for a total of 177,697 backlinks have very low authority scores, while 1,196 domains accounting for 5,772 backlinks have very high toxicity scores.

In the case of Vera Files, the other Filipino 3rd party fact check partner of Facebook, 17,753 backlinks were found, of which a total of 10,065 were from 2,179 potential spam domains. Of these linkbacks, 3,743 came from 1,373 domains which have very low authority domains. A total of 102 of these linkbacks are from 29 toxic domains.

Poor quality to no content

Backlink data for Rappler, ABS-CBN News, and Philstar show that a number of the top referring domains, meaning websites from which the most number of backlinks originated, have over 500 backlinks to these news sites.

A quick review of the “toxic” websites showed that many of the URLs linking back from these domains have either no content or very little content. In cases where the pages did have content, the content was either unintelligible or clearly produced through automated content spinning techniques. This means they are not real articles or real content at all.

Most of the pages found to be linking back to Rappler and Philstar were not even visibly linking. Instead, they were abusing website resources by “hotlinking,” or by directly rendering images from these websites on their webpages. Below are examples of these sites. 

LINK ABUSE. These are examples of dubious apps hotlinking to photos on Rappler and Philstar. Apps developed through Web services that simplify web app development, like Netlify and Firebase, have been used to launch the spam link attacks.

Hotlinking is also considered abusive and akin to stealing because it does not only use a target website’s assets, it also uses up that website’s bandwidth. In short, the target website owner bears the server costs without necessarily benefiting in terms of monetizable pageviews. It also potentially infringes on copyrighted material.

One of the keywords toxic backlinks have been targeting on the Rappler site is the keyword “crowdfunding.” What is significant here is that instead of linking to Rappler’s crowdfunding page, the spammy pages have been linking to non-existent subdomains on Rappler.

SABOTAGE. Automated link building schemes attempt to divert searches for “crowdfunding” to pages that do not exist on Rappler.

Similar abusive spammy links have been targeting odd keywords on the websites of ABS-CBN News, Philstar, and Vera Files.

The links below targeted the keywords “6841 philstar.com” on the Philippine Star website. A quick search on Google shows that Philippine Star does not seem to have this content.


RANDOM KEYWORDS. Example of random keywords being used to spam the website of Philstar.com

This type of spam attack was also observed on the website of ABS-CBN News using keyword “5651. Abs-cbnnews.com.”

MORE SPAM. Like Philstar and Rappler, the website of ABS-CBN News was also a target of spammy backlinks targeting random keywords.

Some of the spammy websites were flagged by Google Chrome as potentially dangerous. Below is a screenshot of one of the websites spamming the website of Vera Files, one of the two Filipino 3rd party fact check partners of Facebook.  

DECEPTIVE SITES WARNING. Chrome displays this notice when a user attempts to access one of the websites which has been spamming the website of Vera Files.
Election ramp up?

It is difficult to detect when exactly the spam operations began. Quick checks using the SEO audit tool showed that a number of these toxic backlinks were “recent.”

One indicator is the growth in the ratio of referring domains to backlinks, which went through the roof from November 2021 to June 2022 in the case of both Vera Files and Rappler.

Prior to this, the number of backlinks had been growing at a fairly similar pace as the growth in the number of referring domains – an indicator of healthy and organic link generation pattern naturally derived from quality and credible content. 

PRE-ELECTION BUILD-UP. The number of domains found by the tool to have a ‘suspicious number of backlinks’ increased exponentially ahead of the 2022 elections.

The fact that traffic to news websites tends to grow as election coverage heats up could partly explain this. But a closer examination of the top referring domains, which included the toxic sites identified, showed this does not fully explain this level of link buildup nearing elections. It is possible that this was the period when there was a buildup of websites which the tool described as having a “suspicious number of backlinks.”

This period is also right about the time when Philippine newsrooms were being subjected to numerous intense DDoS attacks. 

A website would normally not have that many backlinks to another website unless they are partners or are collaborating with each other. Examples of these were backlinks to Vera Files from Tsek.PH, an election-related collaborative fact-checking effort. Rappler also heavily linked to the websites of newsrooms it collaborated with under the #FactsFirstPH initiative. An indicator that would show this is related content, which would explain the cross-referencing, as in the cases mentioned.

Rappler found that some low quality domains to Vera Files had targeted the website of the fact check group with between 100 to over 300 backlinks. What is significant is that the content of these domains were not even related to the typical content on Vera Files.

A number of toxic domains barraged the websites ABS-CBN News, Philstar, and Rappler with as many as over 500 backlinks each.

Shifting attack tactics?

At the time we investigated these cyberattacks, Tord Lundström, technical director at Qurium Media, noted that the use of referral spam for DDoS was “a very specific signature” not often seen in typical denial of service attacks. “You need many IP addresses and many URLs to create this type of traffic.”

He concluded that the ones behind the attack probably hired one of the existing blackhat SEO operations that has access to this other type of business.

Spammy link referrals are discouraged by Google. It is not in the interest of the news websites concerned to engage in this practice both because of the impact on server resources and the resulting penalties that could be imposed on them if they are found to be engaging in manipulative link-building schemes.

The question is what do these attackers get from doing this?

Sabotage

Many of these potential spammy sites were produced using free services like Netlify, Firebase, and Blogspot. But this does not mean that the whole spam operation was not without costs.

For one thing, tools need to be bought. The software for building backlinks that Rappler found costs around P5,500. A tool that allows breaking through captcha mechanisms meant to prevent automated mechanisms for account creation costs around 7,700.  Another tool for automatically generating content costs another P7,400.

But even if the tools are already available, building these websites and backlinks – at the scale it was done here – still requires tremendous time and effort.

Considering potential penalties for unethical link-building schemes, using these techniques clearly does no good for the news websites concerned.

Since many of these do not even have content or have poor content, it is doubtful that the builders of the websites are able to monetize them through advertising as typically done before. Some of the pages that we found did not even have advertising. Below is an example.

Since there is very little other value the spammers themselves could derive from the websites we discovered, the only apparent purpose of the spam backlinks is sabotage.

Unfortunately, unless search giants recognize this as a threat to the information ecosystem, the only way to fend off these spam attacks is constant monitoring – something many newsrooms in the country do not have the resources for. – Rappler.com

‘Maid in Malacañang’: A biased review

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By: Ambeth R. Ocampo – @inquirerdotnet

Philippine Daily Inquirer /August 05, 2022

Much of what is said online against “Maid in Malacañang” are from people who haven’t even watched the film. Full disclosure, I endured the film in Ayala Cebu the other day, so this frank review is not tsismis. But the film, largely based on one unidentified person’s jaundiced narrative, is tsismis.

Despite the distribution of thousands of complimentary movie passes and a captive 30 million fanbase, the theater was not as jampacked as I expected it to be. To be fair, viewers were attentive, laughed in the right places, and applauded at the end. I joined in the clapping too, but more from relief than appreciation. Almost two hours of Cristine Reyes as Imee Marcos bought me perpetual plenary indulgences. Imee was depicted as a pouting, petulant, entitled b*tch in the opening scene who degenerated into a shrill, hysterical banshee for most of the film. As creative consultant and producer of the film, one wonders if Imee approved of the director’s treatment that failed to encourage pity, or at least empathy, for the Marcoses in their last 72 hours in Malacañang before they were driven into exile by the 1986 people power.

In one scene, Imee emerges dolled up like Madonna to spite her terno-iconic mother, confident in the affection of her doting father. In contrast, Bongbong, in military fatigues the whole film, was depicted as a whimpering child of a man desperate for his father’s attention and approval. To add insult to injury, Bongbong appears in an Oedipal scene in bed with his mother, who wails about being driven from the Palace, never to return. Then and there, Bongbong vows that they shall return, with the scene concluding with the camera focusing on one pair of Imelda’s fabled 3,000 shoes, with an inventory tag that reads: “IRM 2022.”

Irene Marcos Araneta, the least political, the most good-looking, and lovable of the three Marcos children, was badly played by Ella Cruz, she who said “history is like tsismis.” Unlike the real Irene, the reel version is a clueless idiot. Cruz was provided with a dramatic scene, where she tries to convince her father to leave the Palace. Alas, her whining and mock tears will not win her a FAMAS Award and that is not tsismis. This pivotal scene has Cesar Montano as Ferdinand Marcos Sr. asking the viewers: “Masama ba akong tao?” History has answered that rhetorical question: He was driven from the Palace, hounded by lawsuits till the day he died in exile in Hawaii. The suppressed Marcos narrative, provided by Imee Marcos, is that the Marcoses were driven from Malacañang by fair weather friends who looked down on them for their provincial and nonelitist origins.

Some years ago, after a presentation on the Marcos Diaries at the East-West Center in Hawaii, the first question from the floor came from a crying lady who identified herself as one of the nurses who accompanied the Marcoses into exile. She took exception to my saying that the Marcoses fled the Palace in 1986, and declared: “Marcos did not flee, he was kidnapped by the Americans, and flown to Hawaii instead of Paoay.” I replied, “If the Marcoses and their close-in staff were not airlifted by the Americans from Manila to Hawaii and the mob caught them in Malacañang, perhaps you would not be alive to ask your question.”

The three maids in Malacañang echo the above sentiments with a new twist: The 1986 revolution was peaceful because the Marcoses didn’t retaliate; they didn’t want violence, pain, and death. Cesar Montano’s talents were not maximized in the film, his performance wooden and colorless as the grainy archival footage of Marcos declaring martial law in 1972. Marcos looks trim in a barong, weak in the crumpled clothes and funny hat he appeared with on his arrival in Hawaii, a far cry from the wasted man who left soiled diapers in Malacañang.

“Maid in Malacañang” is a film—it should not be judged as a doctoral dissertation in history. Our challenge is separating fact from fiction, recognizing history from the director’s artistic license or flights of fancy. Cory Aquino playing mahjong with Carmelite nuns when the fate of the nation hung in a balance is way over the top. Leaving the theater, I felt sorry for President Marcos Jr., who was badly portrayed. What the President and his supporters should ask in the aftermath of this twisted retelling of history is, with an ate or eldest sister like this, who needs enemies?

—————-

Comments are welcome at aocampo@ateneo.edu

Pelikulang deodorizer ng mga Marcos

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By Christian Esguerra, Aug 03, 2022

VERA Files welcomes Christian Esguerra, one of the credible journalists in the country today.

Starting now, VERA Files followers will be treated to Christian’s sharp and insightful commentaries once a week. Christian will be drawing from his experience as print and broadcast journalist and journalism professor. He is currently active online in his YouTube channel and his FactsFirst podcast (see here).

Watch his first commentary for VERA Files here:

‘Drug war’ victims’ kin still hopeful despite Marcos rejecting Philippines’ return to ICC

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Xave Gregorio – Philstar.com, August 2, 2022

MANILA, Philippines — Families of victims of the “War on Drugs” waged by the administration of former President Rodrigo Duterte still remain hopeful even as President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. stated that the country “has no intention” of rejoining the International Criminal Court, which is pushing for an investigation into the bloody anti-illegal drugs campaign.

“Drug war” victims’ kin were “quite prepared” for Marcos to adopt his predecessor’s stance toward the international court that tries crimes against humanity, but still see “some glimmer of hope” in the president’s previous statements, said lawyer Kristina Conti, who represents “drug war” victims’ families through the group Rise Up for Life and for Rights.

“Marcos claims to want justice for all,” Conti said Tuesday on CNN Philippines’ “The Source.” “And in seeing this and in moving forward in this campaign on the war on drugs, we were thinking that he would not, or no longer continue the bloody campaign as embodied by tokhang.”

Conti is cautious, however, that Marcos’ position on not letting the Philippines’ rejoin the ICC may also mean that his administration would not cooperate with the tribunal’s potential investigation.

As far as Solicitor General Menardo Guevarra is concerned, Marcos considered “the best interests of our country, with utmost regard for our national sovereignty” in deciding not to return to the fold of the ICC.

Oplan “Tokhang” — a portmanteau of Visayan words “toktok,” which means to knock, and “hangyo,” which means to plead — was the name given to the flagship anti-drug campaign of the Duterte administration chiefly orchestrated by former top cop turned Sen. Ronald dela Rosa.

The government’s tally as of February 2022 puts the number of people who died in anti-drug operations at 6,235, but human rights groups say this is an undercount as they peg the number of people who have died throughout the campaign closer to 30,000.

Duterte and Dela Rosa are among the officials of the previous administration implicated before the ICC for crimes against humanity by kin of “drug war” victims, who see no other recourse but to seek redress from the international tribunal.

“There is no investigation, genuine and credible enough to mirror what the ICC is doing,” Conti said.

Roque: Duterte to seek restraining order

But lawyer Harry Roque, former presidential spokesperson who now serves as private counsel to Duterte, claimed Tuesday on ANC’s “Headstart” that the ICC should only step in if a country is unwilling or unable to prosecute crimes against humanity, which he said the Philippines is fully capable of doing.

“Our courts, our legal institutions, are neither unwilling or unable and complainants should file their cases before Philippine institutions and not the ICC,” Roque said.

While the Philippines under Duterte promised to conduct its own investigation on the “drug war” deaths, the ICC was left unsatisfied and is eager to conduct its own probe.

The country has until September 8 to provide the ICC a response to ICC Prosecutor Karim Khan’s request to pursue the investigation, while the victims and their legal representatives have until September 22 to submit additional reports to the tribunal.

Should the ICC decide to continue with an investigation and even issue an arrest warrant against Duterte, Roque said the former president would seek a local court to order police not to serve the warrant against him.

“He will argue that the Philippine courts are able and willing to prosecute these cases and therefore there is no basis for foreign institutions to interfere. And this is a consequence of being a sovereign country,” Roque said.

He reiterated a long-standing position of the Duterte administration that he served under —  during which he defended the Philippines’ withdrawal from the ICC despite having lobbied for it — and said that the president will only face trial for his alleged crimes before local courts.

“Under no circumstance will he allow any foreign prosecutor, any foreign judge, any foreign prosecutor to exercise jurisdiction over him,” Roque said.

Duterte pulled out the Philippines from its ratification of the Rome Statute after the ICC declared that it wanted to investigate the allegations of crimes against humanity in the Philippines.

The Philippines withdrew from the Court in March 2018, which then took effect the following year. While Manila is no longer a part of the ICC, the international body is still allowed to conduct investigations in the Philippines.