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As EDSA memory fades, children’s book creators hope to pass on People Power stories

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Kristine Joy Patag – Philstar.com

February 23, 2023

MANILA, Philippines — Making books for children means helping shape the individuals that they will become. In the Philippines, which has often been described as forgetful, storytellers for children have the task of making sure a pivotal moment in our history — the EDSA People Power Revolution that ousted a dictator and is touted to have restored democracy — too, becomes part of their foundation as future leaders.

Children’s book writer Rusell Molina believes that young Filipinos inherently embrace kindness, unity and love. And when they ask — and learn — about People Power, he would like them to remember it as a story of hope and courage.

If he was asked by Filipino learners why the EDSA commemoration is a holiday anyway, Molina hopes to give a definitive answer. “What do we tell them? Do we talk about reds or yellows or dark pasts and bleak futures? Or do we tell stories of hope, bravery, kapit-bisig (arm in arm) and flowers over tanks?”

He picks the latter. “I think children naturally embrace concepts of kindness, unity and love until an adult points them to a different direction,” he says in an e-mail to Philstar.com.

Augie Rivera’s “Isang Harding Papel,” illustrated by Rommel Joson, and Russell Molina’s “EDSA,” illustrated by Sergio Bumatay III are part of Adarna House’s #NeverAgain bundle.

In 2013, Molina wrote “EDSA,” a book with sparse text but accompanied by a gorgeous spread of whimsical illustrations of things related to the people’s peaceful revolt from the pen of Sergio Bumatay III.

In it, the children’s book writer aimed to share the story of EDSA through numbers of pivotal moments and characters in the event, until the Philippines reaches “isang ibong lumilipad sa taas ng EDSA. Nakatingin sa milyon-milyong taong ngayo’y malaya na.”

(A bird flies high over EDSA, looking at millions and millions of people who are now free.)

Bumatay, in a 2013 blog post, explained that he wanted the book’s illustrations to be “very special and memorable, just like the occasion itself.”

“The black and white drawings evoke nostalgia and vivid memories while a splash of yellow highlights the special color. To depict a sense of history, I thought of using the dioarama as format to stage the scenes and organize them inside a wooden box I made especially for this book,” Bumatay adds.

The book was published with help from the EDSA People Power Commission, which called it  “a story our children must hear, for at EDSA, the world saw the best of the Filipino spirit.”

Taking root

Illustrator Rommel Joson remembers growing up with his classmates wearing election campaign headbands with a huge hand forming an L sign on their foreheads. He was seven.

It was a different childhood for writer Augie Rivera, whose book “Isang Harding Papel” was illustrated by Joson. Rivera says he was part of “that generation of Martial Law babies who grew up shielded from the realities of times,” a familiar story especially from children who grew up in the bailiwick of the Marcoses.

It was not until he went to the University of the Philippines, after EDSA, that he truly learned about the horrors of the Martial Law. “It was then that I was awakened to the truth and the part Martial Law played in our society and our history,” Rivera tells Philstar.com in an e-mail.

He has since written two Martial Law-themed children’s books. “Si Jhun-Jhun, Noong Bago Ideklara ang Batas Militar,” was published in 2001, as part of the UNICEF Philippines and Adarna House “Batang Historyador” series.

A spread from “Si Jhun-Jhun, Noong Bago Ideklara ang Batas Militar,” written by Augie Rivera and illustrated by Brian Vallesteros.

In it, protagonist Jhun-Jhun just wanted to know where his older brother had been going. Unknowingly, the child followed his brother to a rally with “men wearing shiny, round helmets” forming a barricade around the crowd. Next, there were gunshots and chaos. And all Jhun-Jhun found was his brother’s left slipper.

Rivera says the book was inspired by a photo he saw of “a street full of broken bottles, stones, and slippers — an aftermath of a violent rally dispersal.”

More than a decade later, Rivera wrote “Isang Harding Papel” in 2014, with Joson as its illustrator. Rivera shares that the story was loosely based on a cousin whose mother was a political detainee during Martial Law.

Both books are part of Adarna House’s #NeverAgain bundle.

Joson filled Rivera’s “Isang Harding Papel” with collage-like illustrations, a play on newspaper clippings and flower origami. One striking illustration is our protagonist Jenny, her grandmother Priming and her detained mother Chit enjoying a spread inside the police headquarters with big smiles on their faces.

At the upper corners of the drawing, two pairs of boots are seen — an apt frame that paints the rest of the story where the fear looms over a child’s joy of being with her family.

Part of the accompanying text story of that illustration was Jenny asking her mother, out of nowhere, why is she detained anyway?

“Paano, ‘pag may rally, lahat ng pinapalabas naming mga dula sa kalye, laban kay Marcos. Hindi niya siguro nagustuhan,” Chit had told her daughter.

(Well, when there is a rally, our street theater is against Marcos. Maybe he didn’t appreciate it.)

‘Propaganda’

Joson, in a blogpost in 2014, shared that he dedicated much research work depicting the EDSA highway in “Isang Harding Papel”: “What did the old propaganda billboards of President Marcos and Imelda Marcos look like?”

He knows that as an illustrator, and of historical fiction for children at that, it is important to “present historical events in uniquely engaging ways.”

Illustration by Rommel Joson for Augie Rivera’s “Isang Harding Papel.”

Fast forward to 2022, Joson’s illustration, and Rivera’s and Molina’s stories were labelled propaganda meant to radicalize children against the government. National Intelligence Coordinating Agency Director-General Alex Monteagudo claimed with no basis that these were linked to the communist rebels..

This came after the Adarna House, a Filipino household name for publishing house for children, released its #NeverAgain bundle after the 2022 national elections that, at that time, showed candidate Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., namesake and only son of the ousted dictator, inching towards Malacañang.

Rivera, then, condemned Monteaguado’s baseless red-tagging of the publishing house. “As ‘historical fiction,’ this features stories of adventures and the awakening of the youth and important events and lessons of our history,” he wrote in Filipino in a Facebook post.

He tells Philstar.com now that the experience was “quite unsettling to say the least.”  

Rivera, now current head writer of AHA!, an infotainment program and writer for the top-rating gameshow, Family Feud, said that “nobody wants that for themselves or their family.”

But Rivera knows that once a book has been published, what happens next is out of the hands of the writer. Even if his book is labelled propaganda, he knows he cannot dictate how people should react to it.

“That’s how democracy works. What’s most important to me is that the book is read, and hopefully resonates with my intended audience,” he says.

It was, again, a different story during the Martial Law era of Marcos Sr. In the first week of dictatorial rule, the president issued a Letter of Instruction on the “prevention of the use of privately owned media facilities and communications.”

This authorized the military takeover of assets of ABS-CBN, Associated Broadcasting Corp. and other stations, as accounted by the Martial Law Museum in its website. It said that the sequestered assets were being used for “propaganda purposes against the government.”

Never again

Illustrator Joson admits it is difficult to fathom how his book would have been labelled as propaganda, especially since “Isang Harding Papel” was based loosely on a real-life experience and he too grew up in the wake of EDSA.

“A big part of the stuff and stories I grew up with informed illustration research and process. When I was a child my grandfather gave me a coin with Marcos’ likeness on it — which was unbelievable to me,” Joson says, adding that: “Seeing how the tide of public opinion is shifting is incredible to me.”

“I think denying the abuses perpetrated during Martial Law is a slap to those who suffered during this time,” Joson says.

Rivera says that the “Batang Historyador” series was conceptualized as a supplementary reading material for teaching history.

Rommel Joson shares with Philstar.com an illustration that shows one of his childhood memories. He says when he was in high school, “the blackboard tallying the NAMFREL quick count results was displayed in school, so I saw it every day.”

The Martial Law Museum, a project by the Ateneo de Manila University, has opened a digital library for those who want to learn about this period in our history, from the beginning, duration, end and lessons of Martial Law. It also offers teaching resources, in English and Filipino, and filmed online lectures.

After all, learning history is beyond memorization. “Another way to go about it, to make history ‘come alive’ is through stories and personal accounts from primary sources, and even historical fiction,” Rivera says.

It is a tough job but one that needs to be done, he admits. The Philippines’ Martial Law era can never be told without abuses, disappearances, torture, dread and killings. Thousands of Filipinos suffered through long years of fear under the Marcos’ dictatorial rule.

“It was quite inevitable. What I did then was to focus more on the characters, and make them more believable, relatable, and child-like, so other children could easily empathize with them,” he says.

Rivera continues: “Through their stories, we hope the child reader would get curious and want to know more about history and the conditions and struggles of children during these most difficult periods in our nation’s past.”

Joson knows that teaching history, including the EDSA revolution, is essential, especially since no one wants to repeat that dark period of our history.

With the young generation becoming increasingly visual, the illustrator says “[n]ow more than ever, we have to reclaim the child’s visual landscape and bend it towards things that are factual and true.”

Molina, whose book “EDSA” featured captivating and strong visuals, says he wrote the book with highly visual narrative “to become an avenue for an adult-child shared experience.”

As it offers a different reading experience with text-heavy books, Molina hopes that his book elevate the child-reader’s. “And with this lens, EDSA becomes more than just a history picture book but a platform for new discoveries and continued conversations between generation,” he adds.

After all, children should always be part of discussions of issues and challenges in society, because they too are affected, Rivera says.

“We want our children to learn from past mistakes. And never forget. We want them to become critical and ask about complex issues, and we want to make them care enough to dream, aspire, and participate in creating better world for them to live in,” he continues.

But in a world where misinformation and disinformation proliferate and even historical accounts are cast in doubt, what do children’s story book artists have left to do?

“I guess we just have to tell and share our stories over and over again.”

Martial Law survivors recount experiences under dictatorship, counter ‘Solid North’ narrative in new book

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Jap Tobias – Philstar.com

February 24, 2023

MANILA, Philippines — They were young, idealistic students in various schools and universities in Northern Luzon back then who spent their time writing, organizing and joining demonstrations against Marcos Sr.’s dictatorial rule.

Over three decades since the Marcos dictatorship was toppled, these activists from Ilocos, Pangasinan, Cagayan Valley and Cordillera have come together again, mustering the strength and courage to revisit their grim memories of Martial Law and immortalize them into a book.

In hopes of keeping the national memory of Martial Law from fading, victims-survivors from Northern Luzon on February 23 launched a new book aptly entitled “Panaglagip: The North Remembers — Martial law Stories of Struggle and Survival” at the Bantayog ng mga Bayani.

The book is an anthology of 28 eyewitness accounts, articles, poems and artworks of activists and ordinary people — testimonies of their experiences and the resistance in Northern Luzon during the dictatorship they offer to a new generation of readers.

Joanna Cariño, a Martial law political prisoner and one of the editors of “Panaglagip,” said the stories featured in the book are from ordinary people in the North who “dared to struggle against tyrants” and have contributed to the “critical mass” that ousted the late strongman.

The Ilocano word “panaglagip,” which means “remembering” in English, attempts to capture not only the process authors have done throughout the years in writing their pieces but also what they hope to inspire among readers.

“In recounting these stories, we honor those who went before us, who stood beside us, who defended us, and who followed in our footsteps as human rights defenders in Northern Luzon,” she wrote in the book’s introduction.

During the 2022 elections campaign, “Walang Solid North” had been the battle cry of the those who dared refute the narrative that the Marcoses have solid ground among the peoples of Ilocos, Cordillera and Cagayan Valley.

“Panaglagip” amplifies this counter-narrative and proves that as early as 1972, cracks were already emerging in what was claimed to be a solid base of the Marcoses.

Through the words of 22 writers, the book vividly paints a picture of what life was for activists and detractors of the Marcos regime in the North.

The stories told in the book include the experiences of being a human rights worker in the 80s, the fight of over 30,000 farmers in Cagayan Valley against a Marcos’ crony’ landlord, and the resistance of Cordillera’s Indigenous Peoples against the Chico Dam.

The book also shares the story of a community worker who lived through the feeling of deprivation after being separated from her loved ones due to arrests. Also included are stories about finding romantic love amid intensifying struggle, and stories of solidarity among community journalists in Pangasinan during the detainment of a fellow writer.

All these narratives told in the book, according to its editor Luchie Maranan, are a weapon against the “myth” of  “Solid North.”

“Ito ang bala natin, kasi ito ang magpapatunay ng mga tunay na nangyari, mula sa kuwento ng mga totong tao,” she told Philstar.com. “Ang mga narratives na ‘yan ay historical accounts of places, dates, of people who were involved in the violation of Human Rights of people who resisted the dicatorship.”

Notwithstanding the trauma and the lack of apology from the Marcoses, the editors and writers still felt they had to continue telling these stories and sharing their experiences, especially for those blinded by disinformation. 

“Kapag nag-book burning na, parang nasunog na talaga ang kasaysayan. But if you will be part of the movement to defend the truth, get a copy and keep it with your life,” Maranan said. “Guard the truth and guard your life.”

Northern Luzon during Marcos years

According to Maranan and Cariño, the newly-published book is an essential contribution of Martial Law survivors from the North to the ongoing truth campaign against disinformation and image rehabilitation of the Marcoses.

Photo courtesy of CARMMA

“We feel that direct survivors are among those who are telling the truth. They can’t say that these are lies because these are direct, first-hand testimonies,” said Cariño.

The “Solid North” narrative has often purported positive experience and better life among Ilocanos under the Marcos Sr. administration because of his ties with the North.

However, “Panaglagip” belies this. As said in the testimonies in the book, the Martial Law experience in Northern Luzon was characterized by “warlordism, crony capitalism, and development aggression.” This was manifested in the rivalry of political families in Ilocos Sur, Marcos cronies’ acquisition of a hacienda in Isabela and communal forests in Abra, as well as the “Ilocanization” of the Philippine military.

Like the newly-launched book, a study published in 2020 by University of the Philippines Los Banos Assistant Professor Reidan M. Pawilen also said the idea the Ilocanos had it better during Martial Law was far from true.

According to Pawilen, there are three major themes in the North’s resistance during Marcos Sr.’s year: First is the struggle of peasant movements, the church and IP groups in the North; second is the growth of the Ilocano student movement; and last the violence that transpired during the Snap elections and Marcos’ first-time loss in five northern provinces due to a growing sense of discontent among Ilocanos.

Mentioned in the paper are some of the several human rights violations recorded in the North during Martial Law, including:

  • eight cases of illegal detention, extrajudicial killings, intimidation and torture in Cagayan Valley in 1983
  • killing of priests from Ilocos Sur, Zacharias Agatep and Alfredo Cesar Jr.
  • burning of a village in Abra in 1983, which killed a pregnant woman
  • arrest of 127 Tinggians from Malibcong, Bucloc, and Lacub, Abra.
  • assasination of IP leader Macli-ing Dulag in Kalinga

‘Fight isn’t over’

In her piece entitled “Second Wind,” activist and Palanca-winning writer Maranan opened her recollection of her Martial Law years with the concept of “political deja vu” — the feeling of familiarity been past and present socio-political traumatic events.

Asked how it has been for her to revisit traumatic memories in editing this book while the Marcoses are back in power, Maranan surprisingly said that the experience has been a beautiful process.

“While you are dealing again with the pain, the struggles and the nightmares, nabubuhayan ka uli ng loob (you gain strength again),” she told Philstar.com.

“‘Yung iba, they went through the harshest times and would choose to forget. Pero ito, naging challenge pa — na it has happened, it is happening again, and it is continuing — so the fight isn’t over,” she added.

“Panaglagip,” while all about remembering the events 50 years ago, also serves as a letter to inspire activists, writers, and students — then and today — to keep remembering and speaking the truth.

As Maranan optimistically put in her write-up: “While we remember what we had been capable of, we must muster renewed political energy, in stride with the hopeful new generation of activists, and continue to be inspired by those had gone ahead of us. In remembering, we do not renounce the will to pursue the struggle we began fifty years ago through ways that steeled and tempered us to stand up to another dictatorship and tyranny.”

[The Slingshot] The blood debts of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo

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Feb 20, 2023

Antonio J. Montalvan II

In 2001, when Gloria Macapagal Arroyo took office as president, hundreds of human rights activists, journalists, outspoken clergy, left-wing political party members, and members of critical NGOs have been killed or forcibly disappeared, yet only six cases have been prosecuted.

As early as the initial years of the Arroyo administration (total nine years in office), Human Rights Watch reported that the administration had not “sufficiently investigated numerous extrajudicial killings in which the military was implicated.” Take note that, in fact, no strong action was taken against what was by then known as the Davao Death Squad killings under Davao City’s Duterte dynasty.

Six years into the Arroyo term as president, the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development had already foreseen the legacy of the Arroyo administration: extrajudicial killings and disappearances instead of the Philippines joining the ranks of rich countries in 20 years.

What was her response to the rising number of EJKs? It was to investigate 10 cases within a 10-week framework. Given the numbers that were growing, the Asian Human Rights Commission calculated it would have taken 14 years to resolve all the cases. The AHRC condemned her approach as lacking “the seriousness and the dignity that is required of a head of state attempting to resolve perhaps the greatest problem that the country is faced with.” 

Her actions did not speak louder than her words. She delegated the investigations to groups that did not have the power to subpoena individuals. It was akin to merely responding ministerially to the reports of EJKs and forced disappearances.

As for journalists killed, “103 were killed during Arroyo’s nine years – the worst average annual death rate of any president,” said the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines. When she organized the Jose Melo Commission in August 2006 to probe the killings of media workers and activists since 2001, Arroyo initially fought to keep the report secret.

Under pressure from United Nations Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial Executions Philip Alston – who Arroyo had allowed to conduct a 10-day visit to the Philippines – she released the report only on February 22, 2007. What did she hide? The Melo report said the victims were “all non-combatants, were not killed in armed clashes or engagements with the military,” and that there appeared to be “an orchestrated plan by a group or sector with an interest in eliminating the victims,” and who were “elements in the military.”

Alston, despite his official invitation from the Arroyo government, was criticized by Arroyo officials as a “muchacho of the UN,” “blind, mute, and deaf.” Alston’s report did not mince words and called a spade a spade: the Philippine military was responsible for many of the killings.

Even the European Union was prompted to send a delegation. In 2007, it sent a technical mission of experts from Finland, Germany, Sweden, and the United Kingdom to share EU’s best practices in investigative techniques, forensic science, human rights, and humanitarian law. It was a subtle “we-will teach-you-how-to-investigate-properly” because no honest-to-goodness investigation was taking place. There was hardly a cry from Arroyo and her political patrons of sovereignty infringement. They could not – the world had taken note.

On April 28, 2007, state security forces abducted Jonas Burgos inside a Quezon City mall. The alleged mastermind, Eduardo Año, was appointed by the subsequent Duterte administration as secretary of the interior and local government. The human rights group Karapatan had documented 1,206 victims of EJKs and thousands of illegal arrests under Arroyo. And Jonas Burgos remains missing till this day. Finland’s Finn Church Aid asks: why is Jonas Burgos still missing? The answer is not hard to pinpoint: impunity.

Let us not forget that state security forces abused as local militias, and mixed with lawless elements participated as killers and accomplices in the Ampatuan family’s Maguindanao Massacre of 2009. Even the provincial police chief was used to carry out the normalization of violence. The Arroyo administration had a personal relationship with the Ampatuan clan. The president even sent her national security adviser to meet with the Ampatuans after the massacre, who then acted like a spokesman of the clan.

Recall the case of the Morong 43, when 43 health workers were tagged as members of the New People’s Army. They were arrested in Morong, Rizal on February 2010 for “illegal possession of firearms and explosives.” The Commission on Human Rights attested that they were arrested without a valid warrant and that their bodies bore torture marks. A civil case was filed by the Morong 43, with Arroyo as primary respondent. What was her reply? She denied the detention and torture of the health workers. The Morong 43 detainees were released only under the subsequent Benigno Aquino III administration.

Up to her last days in office, Arroyo impunity ruled. Jesiderio Camangyan of Sunrise FM radio in Davao Oriental, Joselito Agustin of DZJC Aksyon Radio in Laoag City, were shot dead. Human rights worker Benjamin Bayles of Negros Occidental, union member Edward Panganiban of Laguna, and cause-oriented group member Jim Gales of Davao were murdered in separate incidents. They are the names and faces that tell us Arroyo has not paid for them until this day.

Gloria Macapagal Arroyo is the quintessence of everything that is wrong with our political system: transactional politics where patronage is the end of power. The corruption her administration produced was inexcusable. She represents how the wrong sorts of leaders get elected to build formidable and corrupt political machines.

Under her watch, she administered the cycle of violence that made the eradication of impunity to access of justice a challenge of human rights. Rodrigo Duterte easily wove through the fabric she left behind to build his own architecture of blood and carnage.

She should be the last person on earth to defend him “unequivocally” from his case in the International Criminal Court. In fact, she herself should be unequivocally hailed before the ICC to bring to justice the many who have been murdered by the state under her watch. – Rappler.com

Antonio J. Montalván II is a social anthropologist who advocates that keeping quiet when things go wrong is the mentality of a slave, not a good citizen.

[ANALYSIS] Are the foreign trips really worth it?

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Feb 20, 2023

Winnie Monsod

Based on my experience as NEDA chief, the FDIs (pledged by the private sector or state-owned companies of the host country) were either already in the making or already a done deal, and just brought together to coincide with the visits. Thus, even without the visit, they would have been pledged.

We are republishing this from marengwinniemonsod.ph with permission from the author

A total of P3.48 trillion, or $62.926 billion (exchange rate at P55.30=$1).  

That is what the nine presidential trips over the past eight months produced in foreign direct investment (FDI) pledges (spread among 116 projects) from the nine countries that he visited. Or so says the report of Trade and Industry Secretary Fred Pascual, to his principal, and to the Filipino people.

Methinks the report aims, among other things, to silence the criticism Marcos Jr has received about his frequent travels. It implies that everytime he sets foot on foreign soil, he gets, on the average, $7 billion in FDI pledges from it. The trips, in other words were worth it.  So, shut up, critics.

However, it also has an unintended consequence: Why go through all the effort of changing the Constitution to remove the economic restrictions on FDI?  All the country needs to get FDI  is to send the President abroad, and voila!, we have all we want.  So, shut up, ChaCha advocates.

But let’s look more closely at the numbers.

Discrepancies in the reports

With respect to the amounts involved per country visited:

One notices discrepancies between the pledges from Belgium and China as reported by the Palace and by the DTI Secretary. When President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. returned from Belgium and China, he (or the Palace) reported pledges of P9.8 billion ($177 million at P55.31=$1) and $22.8 billion respectively. The DTI secretary however, reported pledges of P121.68 billion ($2.20 billion) from Belgium and $24.239 billion from China. There’s a discrepancy of $2 billion with respect to FDI pledges from Belgium, and $1.4 billion from China. Who is correct? Or does the executive consider $3.4 billion or P188 billion loose change? 

With respect to the $63 billion FDI pledges as a whole: 

First, does that represent a humongous figure, or just a tiny amount, or something in between?  Answer: It is humongous. For context: According to the 2022 World Investment Report, the FDI inflows into the ASEAN-5 (Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam) in 2021 totalled $69 billion, with $10.5 billion going to the Philippines. From Jan. to Nov. 2022, according to the DTI, the Philippines had received $8.4 billion in FDI inflows. If the Philippines is to match in 2022 the FDI inflows it received in 2021, the FDI inflows for the month of December 2022 should be $2.1 billion.

Have your eyes glazed over, Reader. What the above figures show is (1) That indeed, $63 billion is a humongous amount, the implication being that (2) There is no way that all of that amount will flow into the Philippines in 2023, because that is almost as much as the total inflow into the ASEAN-5 in 2021.   (3) BTW, the Philippines receives the least amount of FDI inflows among the ASEAN-5 (this has been true for at least 30 years). And (4) Should the FDI inflows last December exceed $2.1 billion, the excess can arguably be assumed to be the result of the President’s trips. So let’s wait for that data from the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas.

Second, was all of that pledged $63 billion in FDI a direct offshoot of the President’s trips? Answer: No. Based on my experience as National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) director general, the FDI (pledged by the private sector or state-owned companies of the host country) were either already in the making or already a done deal, and just brought together to coincide with the visits.

Thus, even without the visit, they would have been pledged. What I would consider to be direct offshoots of the President’s visit are the projects covered by Letters of Intent (LOIs) or Memoranda of Understanding (MOU). But unless we have more information (the DTI website was not forthcoming) on the number of projects and the amounts involved covered by these LOIs and MOUs, we cannot give a more precise figure on what President Marcos’s presence may have contributed.

Third, are we sure that all of the $63 billion pledged will actually flow in? Answer: No. The more investment pledges that are covered by LOIs and MOUs, the iffier they are, with the LOIs being more iffy than the MOUs. Why are they iffy? Simply because, as is the general understanding, those documents are not legally binding. They are just words, with the MOUs a little more substantial than the LOIs. The signatories are not constrained to put their money where their mouths are.

The iffiness of the investment pledges are also influenced by the country of the investor. Only recall, Reader, that when former president Rodrigo Duterte made his trip to China, he reported that he got $23 billion worth of investment and soft loans. If I remember correctly, only about 10-13% of that pledged amount actually came in. It would be interesting to find out how much of the current package from the Marcos trip is comprised of the old, unfulfilled Duterte pledges.

Finally, if we definitely know that the entire $63 billion is not flowing in this year, can we at least have an idea of how much will? No answer. That question was asked by CNN TV host Rico Hizon of Trade Secretary Pascual. Rico asked other related questions, like “How many Filipinos will get jobs this year as a result of the presidential visits?” This, to give his viewers an idea of the concrete (as opposed to the hoopla) benefits to the Filipinos this year of the presidential trips.

Unfortunately, no definite answer was forthcoming from the secretary. 

But it is safe to say that the investments that were planned by foreign investors who are already in the Philippines (e.g., Procter and Gamble, Unilever, Toyota) and were included in the $63 billion package to fatten it up, will definitely materialize. But this is a two-edged sword, because it means that even without the President’s trip, the FDI would have come in. Sigh! – Rappler.com

Solita “Winnie” Monsod was the first National Economic and Development Authority secretary appointed after the fall of the Marcos dictatorship in 1986. She is a professor emerita at the UP School of Economics where she taught starting 1983. She finished her degree in economics in UP and obtained her masters in economics at the University of Pennsylvania. She is a board director of Rappler Inc.

The MIF: A Weapon of Mass Desctruction?

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Heneral Lunacy, January 23, 2023

The President is expected to trot out the Maharlika Investment Fund (MIF or the Fund) to the world investment community in Davos this coming week. From what was to be a full blown affair the presentation has allegedly been downgraded to “a soft launch” in case the international reception is not quite as rousing as expected.

The Philippines wants its very own Sovereign Wealth Fund even if we neither deserve it, can afford it nor know what to do with it. It is hoped a SWF will, by osmosis, propel us to the ranks of rich countries like Norway, Singapore and the M. Eastern oil nations; even if we are a deficit country which to finance the Fund will need either to borrow or re-allocate resources better devoted to economic progress like education, healthcare and agriculture.

The business sector and the academe have opposed the concept even in its cosmetically altered form; but the House and the technocrats are forging ahead in the belief that foreign institutions will pile into a program that is ill-conceived, ill-advised and possibly ill-intentioned.

Here is why the Fund is flawed:

1. The Fund assumes institutional investors are stupid. It assumes they do not care about investment fundamentals like purpose, ownership dilution, management control, track record, expenses and governance. The Fund will effectively be controlled at all times by the National Government (NG) The Fund is expected to start with a GFI ante of P75 billion to be followed by annual mandated contributions from BSP dividends, PAGCOR profits, privatization proceeds and anything else that can be carved out without budgetary oversight. By the end of this Administration the Fund will I estimate have a capitalization in excess of the combined one of the GFIs and our Central Bank. Outside investors in the Fund who do not keep up with their share of the fund raising could well be diluted by a factor of 8-10 times within 5 years i.e. if they invested 10% in the initial round of funding, that stake will be reduced to less than 2% ownership and that is before the leakages.

2. The Fund does not have a clear mandate. The MIFs stated purpose is to make the most profit with the least risk while fulfilling long-term developmental goals; never mind that these goals are contradictory. The MIF may invest in risky hedge funds to boost its performance. For the record last year hedge funds lost on average about 15% of their investments, the worse since the disaster of 2008. If MIF had been in existence then we would be in that pile up today with the Filipino taxpayer picking up the tab.

A leading author of the MIF has suggested the Fund be used as a regulatory tool. He has reportedly advocated the Fund buy into utilities like power companies and force them to reduce electricity rates. What he does not say is this will lead to a mass sell off of these companies with consequent losses for the Fund. We have seen this before: It is called Privatization or worse, Political Capitalism, or worse Communism where the State takes over the economy’s basic means of production. When politicians and our economic leaders believe they are smarter than market forces, when they feel Government can manage companies better than the private sector, you know we are in trouble. Foreign investors will head for the exits.

3. The Fund has no added value. The Fund’s purposes are already being served well enough by existing Government Financial Institutions (GFIs).

 4. The Philippines has no track record in managing concentrated pools of funds without getting the country into trouble witness the Coconut Levy Fund, the Road Tax, Philhealth, etc.

5. The Fund will have more money than it has ideas. We have no absorptive capacity as evidenced by the billions of pesos in stranded infra projects. This will leave billions of dollars sitting in the MIF checking account ready to be pounced upon by politicians, fund managers and favored corporate interests.

6. The Fund’s expenses are bloated. To give you an idea how bloated the Maharlika Investment Co. (MIC), the MIF’s management arm, will be charging the Fund a start up fee of P1.0-1.5 billion for salaries and administration to hire a few dozen professionals in less than 1,000 s.m. of office space; or over 10 times what it would cost the private sector to do. That will be followed by a management fee of 2% p.a. Remuneration of directors and officers will fall outside of Government statutory limits. The Fund will essentially be a leaking faucet.

6. Investors want governance. As we have seen elsewhere no number of oversight committees, majority of Boards nor auditors can prevent the abuses once the politicians and the vultures get their hands on the money. Private sector representatives will want in on the perks and the inside information; politicians on the pork barrel; fund managers on the fees; and technocrats on the expense accounts. The Palace, present and future, will be the sole voice of the Fund, unaccountable to no one.

7. The Fund represents a systemic risk. This has been highlighted by Presidential Special Legal Counsel, JPE, who knows something about law, power and human behavior. When fully formed the Fund will be bigger than its counterpart GFIs and the BSP. This could be the mother of all heists.

8. The Fund puts at risk our credit rating. Through its funding mechanism MIF compromises the independence of the BSP. It is a run around transparency, accountability and risk management. It diverts monies from economic development to financial profit. The Fund will likely be used for political purposes. The credit agencies will see right through all of that.

9. The Fund represents a clear and present danger to the Republic. It will crowd out the private sector. It will be used as a regulatory tool. It will be used to acquire companies for favored parties. It will be a fountain of corruption and political wrong doing.

The Fund is a dangerous economic and political adventure yet it has been embraced by our economic team. The latter is now drinking the same Kool Aid as the Fund proponents which is what makes the whole thing scary. The Philippines has had its share of economic problems but our economic managers were always respected by the world investment community for their integrity and professionalism. They were our last safety valve against abuses by the Palace and politicians. They were the adults in the room. That I am afraid looks to be changing. Our economic managers have convinced the President that foreign investors will buy into the MIF’s smoke and mirrors even as no SWFs in the world have outside investors for reasons I explained above. They have told him the MIF is the silver bullet that will save the economy when that is clearly not so. Has our economic team sold its soul to the company store?

President Bongbong will be unveiling in Davos a plan that he is told will wow the international investment  community. Davos will listen out of respect to a sovereign leader but understand, one, in the global scheme the Philippines is but a speck and, two, the audience is unlikely to sign on to an idea that is not new, that is at best naïve and at worst dangerous. It will remind them of the sins of his father. That would leave our President standing in the world stage alone, unaware he has no clothes.

Who foots the bill for Marcos’ Davos trip?

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By ANTONIO J. MONTALVÁN II 
JAN 13, 2023

The US delegation is lean at 19 members, composed of a sprinkling of cabinet secretaries and some congressmen and headed by labor secretary Martin J. Walsh. No head of government (no Joe Biden). Likewise for India, which is sending a very small delegation of only four union ministers plus three state chief ministers (no Narendra Modi).

Finland’s government portal has also announced that Finnish prime minister Sanna Marin will attend, together with an even leaner delegation of only three ministers.

But for the president of impoverished Philippines who will attend next week’s World Economic Forum 2023 in Davos, Switzerland, there is no transparency in announcing the size of its delegation. Filipinos living in Switzerland who are closely watching the event gave an astounding number – a delegation of at least 70 members, including private and business people, names and designations unknown.

How did our sources know? The invitation was extended by WEF founder and executive chair Klaus Schwab at the sidelines of the Asean Summit in Phnom Penh, Cambodia last November 12. One month later, his first cousin House speaker Martin Romualdez announced that the president was accepting the invitation.

Here’s the problem. The Davos gathering begins on January 16. By the time Marcos Jr. had reached a decision to embark on another foreign trip (his eighth in under 7 months), hotel rooms in Davos have been fully booked since months before (astronomical prices range from “the crappiest hotel rooms at $500 a night, and a private chalet costing $140,000 for the week,” says a past business attendee, and that is 2011 prices yet). The result – Philippine representatives in Bern have been scrambling to find hotel rooms for a delegation that numbers at least that size of 70 persons.

So they turned to the nearest city, Zurich. The choices are the Hyatt hotels in town of which there are three: Park Hyatt Zurich (5-star, P39,040 standard rate per night), Hyatt Place Zurich Airport The  Circle (4-star, P9,997 standard rate), and Hyatt Regency Zurich Airport The Circle (4-star, P11,182 standard rate). For a huge delegation from a poverty-stricken nation, that is no peanuts.

Marcos Jr. is not the first Filipino president to attend the WEF. There was his current adviser Gloria Macapagal Arroyo in 2008 (delegation size unknown) and Benigno Aquino III (seven).

What did these past Davos visits achieve for the ordinary Filipino? At most, there were “investors who signified their intention to expand,” while “new business groups have committed to invest.” No figures were given. All presidents go to Davos using the same worn-out plot: “to seek international recognition of the Philippines’ economic gains.” Aquino reported on his anti-corruption drive and the arrest and jailing of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo on corruption charges.

For Davos 2023, 52 heads of states and governments have been invited to attend. The only other Asian head of government attending is South Korea president Yoon Suk-yeol. Among the other presidents attending are those of Spain, Colombia, Poland, South Africa, Switzerland, and the chancellor of Germany Olaf Scholz representing the only major European power to attend.

Academic scholars from the University of Götinggen in Germany, University of California at Berkeley, National University of Singapore, and the Kiel Institute for the World Economy (Kiel, Germany) have asked the question: Does it pay off to attend Davos? From 2009 to 2016, the researchers noted that a majority of attendees come only from first world economies (the US, the UK, and Switzerland topped). “The annual meeting is dominated by high-income countries, and the share of attendees from low and middle income countries is stagnating.”

Moreover, by studying the number of company attendees across all given years, the research “did not find evidence of a positive Davos effect on firm performance.” It also “did not detect any measurable effect” of Davos attendance of heads of states in firm performance.

Zurich Magazine does not offer much positive outlook either. “As a gathering of the global elite, Davos has often been a lightning rod for protests about everything from the rapid globalization of the 1990s to the runaway climate change of this century.” As a consolation, it offers two solid achievements: “Davos helped to avert war between Greece and Turkey with the signing of the Davos Declaration in 1988. It was also in Davos that Gavi, the vaccine alliance, was launched in 2000.”

The reality is, WEF is all glam. Davos is an upscale ski resort in the German-speaking side of the Swiss Alps. It has been criticized by some as  “a talking shop for the jetset that merely adds to the world’s carbon footprint.”

The theme of this year’s WEF is “Cooperation in a Fragmented World.” It attempts to look at the crises that have deepened divisions in the geopolitical world. One of the highlights of the meeting will be discussions on Ukraine and its need for a post-war reconstruction effort.

Among the five topical themes is “high inflation, low growth and high debt economics.” But for the president of the Philippines, his topic in Davos will be the Maharlika Investment Fund. Imagine a thief who once deposited his family’s loot in Swiss bank accounts and who now wants the world to know that he is suddenly a beggar for investors’ money. Unconfirmed reports say among the participants in the Marcos entourage will be Irene Marcos Araneta. If true, let the implication of that sink in.

By the way, among the 70 or so in that huge entourage will be showbiz stars who will entertain the “meet and greet” with Filipinos in Switzerland. The likely venue will be one of the Hyatt hotels. Again, no names of the performers have been specified.

So who foots the bill for Davos? Not the Marcoses. Us.

At Davos, war, climate and ‘de-globalization’ take center stage

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Adam Plowright – Agence France-Presse

January 13, 2023

PARIS, France — Top politicians and world business leaders are set to meet for the annual Davos summit in the Swiss Alps next week under the shadow of war in Ukraine, a climate crisis and global trade in disarray.

For half a century, the World Economic Forum has brought together executives and policymakers to sing the praises of globalization, but that process is seen as unwinding as new geopolitical fault lines harden around the world.

The Covid-19 pandemic, growing US-China hostility and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine have led some politicians and experts to even speculate about “an end to the era of globalization”, which began in earnest in the decade after the first Davos meeting in 1971.

The agenda for this year’s meeting in the snow-deficient Alps, starting next Monday, reflects this gloomy reality.

“The theme of the meeting is ‘cooperation in a fragmented world’,” executive chairman and founder of the WEF, Klaus Schwab, told journalists this week.

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz and UN chief Antonio Guterres are among the most prominent figures attending the forum, alongside nearly 400 government ministers and policymakers, 600 CEOs and an array of media, NGO and academic figures.

One session will discuss whether we are living through “de-globalization or re-globalization”, while others will ponder the impact of trade wars, real wars, the cost-of-living crisis and the planet’s heating climate.

“There’s no doubt that our 53rd annual meeting in Davos will happen against the most complex geopolitical and geoeconomic backdrop in decades. So much is at stake,” said Borge Brende, a former Norwegian foreign minister who is now president of the meeting.

Russia is not expected to be officially represented, underlining the sea change since 2021, when President Vladimir Putin addressed delegates via video link, or 2009 when he attended in person.

China has not yet announced its presence.

“There were a few years where there was a tone of hope that we would go back to the old normal, this sort of globalised world,” said Karen Harris, an economist at the consulting firm Bain & Company.

“I think there’s an acknowledgement now that that era is ending.”

Ukrainian lobbying

The conflict in Ukraine and its cascading effects on global energy and defence policies will be a prominent theme throughout the five-day meeting.

It is expected to dominate the opening day on Tuesday as well as Wednesday, when NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg takes the stage with Polish President Andrzej Duda, who argues for a more forceful Western response to Moscow’s invasion.

It is unclear if Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky will give a video address as he did at last year’s meeting in May.

But several Ukrainian ministers, military leaders and soldiers will be among a large delegation that is expected to lobby for more weapons and financial support from the West.

Climate change has also been announced as a top issue, with organisers keen for discussion to help prepare the next round of global talks, COP28, that will take place in the oil-producing United Arab Emirates from November 30.

Activists are planning on using the meeting to remind rich countries and energy companies of the need to finance the energy transition of developing nations and pay for the damage caused by climate-induced natural disasters.

“Young activists will be reminding oil and gas executives of the bill they must pay,” Ugandan climate activist Vanessa Nakate said ahead of her third visit to the World Economic Forum.

A demonstration has been called in Davos on Sunday by a left-wing Swiss youth group calling for a wealth tax for billionaires and debt relief for developing countries.

‘Absurdity’ 

Like every year, much of the most significant activity in Davos will take place behind closed doors in five-star hotels where CEOs and investors seize the opportunity for face-to-face deal-making and networking.

Critics of the meeting see the open sessions tackling global affairs as mere window-dressing for this backroom corporate speed-dating.

“In four days in a private suite they can do more business than they could do in several months of flying around the world,” said Peter S. Goodman, author of the recent book “Davos Man: How the Billionaires Devoured the World.”

He said the most important contribution Davos could make would be to push for global tax reform in an effort to reduce economic inequalities.

“The idea that these people, who are the ultimate beneficiaries of the status quo, are committed to improving the state of their world just looks like a greater absurdity than ever,” he said.

“And it’s always looked like an absurdity.”

Marcos, bakit mo kasama ang buong barangay sa Davos?

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Jan 16, 2023

Editorial, Rappler.com

Lahat ng acoustics ng Davos trip, sintunado. Talaga bang wala lang, makadalo lang?

Davos sa Switzerland – may shared history ang lugar na ito kay Presidente Ferdinand Marcos Jr., at hindi ito puwedeng kalimutan, kahit sabihin ng isang foreign affairs undersecretary na, “I don’t think it’s an issue.”

Ang Switzerland ang pinaglagakan ng bilyon-bilyong ill-gotten wealth ng mga Marcos noong panahon ng Martial Law.

Imagine, tatapak si Marcos sa bansang nag-ingat ng tagong yaman ng kanyang pamilya, at tatapak siya doon bilang head of state. Truth is stranger than fiction nga naman. 

Pero hindi ito tungkol sa treasure hunt. Ito’y tungkol sa pagpunta ni Marcos sa Davos upang umattend ng World Economic Forum (WEF). 

Maraming usaping mas mahalaga sa kagyat. Una, bakit ayon sa report ng Vera Files, nasa 70 ang bilang ng Philippine delegation?

Aba’y talong-talo talaga natin ang Estados Unidos na may 19 na miyembrong ipinadala at wala si President Joe Biden; ang India na nagpadala ng pitong tao at hindi rin kasama si Prime Minister Narendra Modi; ang Finland na tatlong ministro lang ang ipadadala kahit kasama ang prime minister nila na si Sann Marin.

Kung babalikan din natin ang kasaysayan ng pagpapadala ng Pilipinas sa Davos, nagpunta si dating pangulong Benigno Aquino III na may karay na pitong tao noong 2013. At ayon sa isang kasama sa biyahe, nag-renta sila ng maliit na bahay, nag-share ng kuwarto at banyo, at nagluto ng sariling almusal. (Walang datos kung ilan ang kasama ni Gloria Arroyo sa Davos.)

At eto pa, kasama sa 70 ang showbiz stars na mag-e-entertain sa mga Pilipino sa Switzerland.

Sabi naman ng resident economist ng Rappler na si JC Punongbayan, medyo dyahe kapag tinanong si Marcos sa Davos kung ano ang ginagawa niya upang labanan ang inflation and cost of living crisis. Umabot ng 8.1% ang inflation nitong Disyembre at may shortage sa pangunahing mga bilihin tulad ng sibuyas at itlog. Context: patok na issue sa WEF ang cost of living issue dahil na nga sa recession.

Ano raw ang fundamentals na puwede nating ipagmalaki na magbibigay-katuwiran sa Maharlika Investment Fund na balak ni Marcos ilako sa Davos? 

Ang sovereign wealth fund ay isang diskarte ng mga bansang may excess wealth. Ini-invest ang disposable wealth upang mapalago ito.

Pero lumagpas ang gastos ng gobyerno sa  P1.23 trilyon mula Enero hanggang Nobyembre 2022; umabot nga ang utang ng Pilipinas sa P13.64 trilyon nitong Nobyembre, at ang debt-to-GDP ratio na 63.7% ang pinakamataas sa loob ng labimpitong taon.

Anong larawan ang nabubuo sa klase ng pamumuno ni Marcos sa Davos trip na ito?

  • Bongga, pero walang pakialam sa gastos. Ilan sa 70 delegasyon ang sagot ng Pilipinas? Bakit hakot ang buong barangay?
  • Gusto talaga niya ng international validation. Gusto niyang makilala sa buong mundo sa pinakamabilis na panahon – kaya nga ito na ang 8th trip niya sa loob ng pitong buwan mula nang manumpa. O type lang talaga niya mamasyal. Kayo na ang humusga.
  • Atat. Walang malinaw na dahilan upang dalhin na ang Maharlika sa pandaigdigang entablado gayong hindi pa ito naipapasa ng Senado. Bakit nagmadali? May iba bang agenda? Sabi ni Senate Minority Leader Aquilino Pimentel III, “ploy” daw ito upang ma-pressure ang Senado. Siguro.

Ang daming problema sa bansa. Naging simbolo na ang sibuyas ng incompetence at cluelessness ng administrasyong ito sa larangan ng ekonomiya. Mismong mga stewardess na dati’y designer goods ang iniuuwi, nagbibitbit na ng sibuyas.

Last time we checked, inihalal ng taumbayan si Marcos na presidente, hindi ambassador-at-large.

Lahat ng acoustics ng Davos trip, sintunado. Talaga bang wala lang, makadalo lang? – Rappler.com